Das Urteil des Bundesverfassungsgericht zum Lissabon-Vertrag spiegelt einen deutlich erkennbaren Kompromiss zwischen nationalen, souveränitätsorientierten und demokratischen Ansprüchen wider. Wichtige Elemente des Lissabon-Vertrages sind der Verzicht auf Referenden und die Festschreibung der konstitutionellen Grundlagen der EU (Verfassung als Gesellschaftsvertrag, Zukunftsoffenheit). An die Stelle der wirtschaftspolitischen Neutralität des Grundgesetzes ist im Lissaboner Vertrag die Vorstellung von einer Detailsteuerung getreten. Der Kritik am Demokratiedefizit der EU hat sich das Bundesverfassungsgericht im Grundsatz angeschlossen. Die Verfasser plädieren hier für ein Zwei-Kammer-System. Sie wenden sich ferner gegen das Ansinnen, den Vertrag von Lissabon als europäische Konstitution ohne Beteiligung der Bevölkerungen in den einzelnen Nationalstaaten in Kraft zu setzen. (ICE2)
Hesse was the first state in Germany after the second world war, with a new constitution. This constitution differs in many ways from the German Grundgesetz and more from the European reform treaty. The Hessian Constitution prefers a democratic control of the economy, the Grundgesetz follows a neutral concept concerning the economy which means the democratic process is in charge to define the relation of society and economy. The significant difference of the European reform treaty is its radical market oriented concept of the economy.
Hesse was the first state in Germany after the second world war, with a new constitution. This constitution differs in many ways from the German Grundgesetz and more from the European reform treaty. The Hessian Constitution prefers a democratic control of the economy, the Grundgesetz follows a neutral concept concerning the economy which means the democratic process is in charge to define the relation of society and economy. The significant difference of the European reform treaty is its radical market oriented concept of the economy. (Prokla / FUB)
Hessen war nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg das erste deutsche Bundesland mit einer neuen Landesverfassung. Diese Verfassung unterscheidet sich in vielen Aspekten vom Grundgesetz und mehr noch vom europäischen Reformvertrag. Die hessische Verfassung spricht sich für eine demokratische Kontrolle der Wirtschaft aus, das Grundgesetz folgt in Bezug auf die Wirtschaft einer neutralen Konzeption - das Verhältnis von Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft soll durch den demokratischen Prozess festgelegt werden. Der Unterschied zum europäischen Reformvertrag ist dessen radikal marktorientiertes Wirtschaftsbild. (ICEÜbers)
Este texto procura contextualizar o significado da obra do geógrafo alemão Friedrich Ratzel (1844-1904) na atualidade. Ratzel ainda continua sendo identificado como pai do determinismo ambiental e precursor da geopolítica sem levar em consideração outras ideias apresentadas na sua vasta produção acadêmica que compreende mais de 1200 publicações. Destaca-se a influência de Ratzel para a geografia cultural da Escola de Berkeley. A sua abordagem histórico-cultural na geografia e suas reflexões sobre migração, colonização e difusão geográfica foram uma inspiração para Carl Sauer e muitos dos seus discípulos. A tradução do texto "País e Paisagem na Alma do Povo Norte-Americano", originalmente publicado na Alemanha em 1902, serve como exemplo para discutir como Ratzel concebia os processos de migração, povoamento e a apropriação de terras na América do Norte e as relações entre as culturas imigrantes e as condições ambientais. Ratzel enfatiza os laços entre um país (estruturas políticas), a sua paisagem (meio natural) e os pioneiros americanos, analisados através da "alma do povo".
International audience ; This paper addresses a corpus of unpublished sources in a first attempt to reconstruct the exile networks of Brazilian geographer Milton Santos, placing his geographical and political work in the context of present-day debates on development, anti-development and critical development. Our main argument is twofold: first, we argue that Santos played important although poorly understood roles in the debates which shaped both Anglophone and French-speaking critical geographers in the 1960s and 1970s. Far from being passive receivers of ideas from the Global North, Southern scholars like Santos contributed to shape worldwide concepts in critical studies on development and underdevelopment. Second, the ideas spiralling out of Santos' networks can still nourish present-day scholars in development and critical development theories who are willing to criticize the 'ideology of development' without forgetting the material existence of poverty and socio-spatial marginalization. Finally, Santos' biography and networks provide an example of cosmopolitan and multilingual intellectual work that can provide insights for the present-day the internationalization of critical and radical geographies.
International audience ; This paper addresses a corpus of unpublished sources in a first attempt to reconstruct the exile networks of Brazilian geographer Milton Santos, placing his geographical and political work in the context of present-day debates on development, anti-development and critical development. Our main argument is twofold: first, we argue that Santos played important although poorly understood roles in the debates which shaped both Anglophone and French-speaking critical geographers in the 1960s and 1970s. Far from being passive receivers of ideas from the Global North, Southern scholars like Santos contributed to shape worldwide concepts in critical studies on development and underdevelopment. Second, the ideas spiralling out of Santos' networks can still nourish present-day scholars in development and critical development theories who are willing to criticize the 'ideology of development' without forgetting the material existence of poverty and socio-spatial marginalization. Finally, Santos' biography and networks provide an example of cosmopolitan and multilingual intellectual work that can provide insights for the present-day the internationalization of critical and radical geographies.
International audience This paper addresses a corpus of unpublished sources in a first attempt to reconstruct the exile networks of Brazilian geographer Milton Santos, placing his geographical and political work in the context of present-day debates on development, anti-development and critical development. Our main argument is twofold: first, we argue that Santos played important although poorly understood roles in the debates which shaped both Anglophone and French-speaking critical geographers in the 1960s and 1970s. Far from being passive receivers of ideas from the Global North, Southern scholars like Santos contributed to shape worldwide concepts in critical studies on development and underdevelopment. Second, the ideas spiralling out of Santos' networks can still nourish present-day scholars in development and critical development theories who are willing to criticize the 'ideology of development' without forgetting the material existence of poverty and socio-spatial marginalization. Finally, Santos' biography and networks provide an example of cosmopolitan and multilingual intellectual work that can provide insights for the present-day the internationalization of critical and radical geographies.
International audience ; This paper addresses a corpus of unpublished sources in a first attempt to reconstruct the exile networks of Brazilian geographer Milton Santos, placing his geographical and political work in the context of present-day debates on development, anti-development and critical development. Our main argument is twofold: first, we argue that Santos played important although poorly understood roles in the debates which shaped both Anglophone and French-speaking critical geographers in the 1960s and 1970s. Far from being passive receivers of ideas from the Global North, Southern scholars like Santos contributed to shape worldwide concepts in critical studies on development and underdevelopment. Second, the ideas spiralling out of Santos' networks can still nourish present-day scholars in development and critical development theories who are willing to criticize the 'ideology of development' without forgetting the material existence of poverty and socio-spatial marginalization. Finally, Santos' biography and networks provide an example of cosmopolitan and multilingual intellectual work that can provide insights for the present-day the internationalization of critical and radical geographies.