The Discursive Construction of Women Politicians in the European Press
In: Feminist media studies, Band 12, Heft 3, S. 422-441
ISSN: 1471-5902
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In: Feminist media studies, Band 12, Heft 3, S. 422-441
ISSN: 1471-5902
In: Media, Culture & Society, Band 33, Heft 1, S. 105-122
ISSN: 1460-3675
Anger motivates people to engage in political action, fuelling collective struggles for justice and recognition. However, because of its close association with irrationality and aggression, the public expression of anger has historically been discouraged. This article focuses on expressions of anger in British disaster coverage between 1952 and 1999. In particular, we look at the relationship between anger, journalistic practices and opportunities for ordinary people to express themselves politically. Our article concludes that anger opens up a space for ordinary people to critique power holders, allowing victims and those affected by disasters to raise questions of systemic failure and blame. And such questions, it appears, are increasingly part of the emotional management style of disaster journalism.
In: Media, Culture & Society, Band 26, Heft 1, S. 63-80
ISSN: 1460-3675
This article examines the ideological assumptions and consequences of the media representation of public opinion through a study of television news coverage of the 2001 British general election. It discusses how a certain type of poll (the voting intention or 'horse-race' poll) is privileged, while other types of opinion surveys are ignored. But it also identifies less obvious means through which public opinion is invoked. First, casual and often unsubstantiated assertions about the attitude of the public are regularly made by anchors, reporters or politicians. Second, the views of individual members of the public are made to stand in for public opinion overall, either through vox pops or through the interaction of members of the public with politicians on the campaign trail. The article concludes that the consequence of the media representation of public opinion in the 2001 British general election campaign is to legitimize the hegemonic definition of politics as a sport played by political and media elites, thus reducing citizens to the limited and passive role of spectators.
In: International journal of public opinion research, Band 15, Heft 4, S. 454-470
ISSN: 0954-2892
An attempt is made to test the "spiral of silence" theory (Noelle-Neumann, E., 1974) -- ie, that majority opinion forces individuals to suppress minority views for fear of social isolation -- in a context that typically fosters uninhibited discussion -- computer chatrooms. Three key assumptions of the spiral of silence theory are identified & their applicability in the context of computer-mediated communication is assessed. Opinion expression in face-to-face & computer-mediated (chatroom) situations is compared in an experiment involving 48 undergraduates at Stanford U, CA. Results indicate that computer-mediated interaction can foster a "spiral of moderated opinion expression" rather than a spiral of silence. In addition, all participants in the computer-mediated setting -- both majority & minority opinion holders -- are perceived as more moderate than participants in the face-to-face setting. 2 Tables, 1 Figure, 46 References. K. Hyatt Stewart
In: Journalism & mass communication quarterly: JMCQ, Band 100, Heft 4, S. 773-792
ISSN: 2161-430X
The very first article published in the new Journalism Quarterly, in January 1924, was titled "The Professional Spirit." It was a fitting start for the journal, which over the next 100 years tracked the maturation of journalism as a profession and journalism studies as a field of scholarly inquiry. This article explores how "journalism" evolved in the pages of the journal through a turbulent century. By analyzing the changing debates and tracking the incremental but steady expansion of knowledge, we seek to provide insights into where journalism scholarship started, the path we traveled, and how we arrived at today.
This paper analyses the historic role of Britain's major public service broadcaster, the BBC, in reporting the European Union. To do this it combines a content analysis of two datasets of BBC broadcast and online coverage from 2007 and 2012 with a series of semistructured interviews conducted with former and current senior BBC editors and journalists. The research finds that BBC coverage in the pre-referendum period was closely tied to major events – such as summits – and elite party conflict. These patterns in coverage were primarily a consequence of the lack of traditional news values inherent in most EU stories and the impact of the wider political and media landscape. The consequence of these patterns in coverage was to present audiences with a restricted, negative and largely conflictual picture of Britain's relationship with the EU which is likely to have fuelled rather than inhibited the growth of Euroscepticism.
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