Suchergebnisse

This paper seeks to develop a framework for analyzing the political sociology of emigration. The paper emphasizes the dualities at the heart of the migration phenomenon: immigrants are also emigrants, aliens are also citizens, foreigners are also nationals, non-members are also members. At once of the sending state, but not in it, the migrants are members whose everyday cross-border connections and ongoing needs draw the sending state across the borders; residing abroad, however, their claims to belonging are undermined by their presence on foreign soil. At once in the receiving state but not of it, the migrants can access the economic and political resources available in their new home, using them to gain leverage in the home left behind; yet as outsiders, their rights are circumscribed and their acceptance is uncertain, vulnerabilities that can be aggravated if continuing homeland involvement triggers the suspicion of receiving state nationals. Both conditions activate interventions by home states seeking to influence and protect nationals abroad. While extension to the territory of another state keeps options inherently limited, even limited engagements can inflame the passions of receiving state nationals, already anxious about the foreigners in their midst. ; Cet article vise à développer un cadre d'analyse de la sociologie politique de l'émigration. L'article met l'accent sur les dualités logées au coeur du phénomène migratoire : les immigrants sont aussi des émigrants, les étrangers au sens juridique sont aussi des citoyens, les étrangers au sens social sont aussi des nationaux, les exclus des sociétés de réception sont aussi les membres des sociétés d'origine. De la société émettrice, mais n'étant plus dans cette société, les migrants sont des membres dont les connexions transfrontalières et les besoins d'adaptation poussent l'État émetteur à s'élargir au-delà des frontières ; cependant, le fait de résider à l'étranger affaiblit leurs revendications d'appartenance. Dans la société de réception, mais ...

This paper provides an empirical assessment of the prevalence and determinants of cross-state social exchanges and attachments among Latin American immigrants living in the United States. As we shall show, using data from a recent survey of Latin American migrants living in the United States, migrant cross-state social action comes in a variety of types, with the direction of conditioning factors differing from one type to another. Moreover, social and political incorporation in the United States reduces affective ties and provision of material support, all the while facilitating other forms of cross-state social action. Consequently, while international migrants regularly engage in trans-state social action, the paper shows that neither transnational ism as condition of being, nor transmigrants, as distinctive class of people, is commonly found.

Research on the "new second generation" takes the success of the earlier second generation of southern and eastern Europeans as its point of departure, but with little empirical basis. The hypothesis of "segmented assimilation" asserts that the children of the 1880–1920 immigration moved ahead due to the availability of well-paying, relatively low-skilled jobs in manufacturing. By contrast, defenders of the conventional approach to assimilation accent diffusionary processes, while conceding that the specific means by which the children of immigrants improved on their parents' condition remains a matter about which relatively little is known. This article returns to the world of the last second generation, just before it disappeared, to inquire into the extent and nature of the economic differences separating the adult immigrant offspring of the time from their third-generation-plus counterparts. Using data from the 1970 Census of Population, this article shows that manufacturing mattered, but in ways neither expected nor consistent with either of today's prevailing, theoretical approaches.