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Die Ursachen des seit 2002 andauernden Bürgerkriegs in der Côte d'Ivoire sind komplex und lassen sich bis in die Kolonialzeit zurückverfolgen. Eine konstruierte Konfliktlinie verläuft zwischen 'Nordlern' und 'Südlern' bzw. zwischen Muslimen und Christen. Das Ethnonym 'Dioula' wird gleichbedeutend mit 'Muslim' und 'Nordler' verwendet. Viele 'Dioula' werden überdies verdächtigt, keine 'echten' Ivorer zu sein, sondern Migranten aus den Nachbarländern Mali, Burkina Faso oder Guinea. Der Hintergrund dieser Verdächtigungen ist die nationalistische Ideologie der 'Ivoirité', die 1995 geschaffen wurde. Auf der Grundlage dieser Ideologie werden bestimmte Bevölkerungsgruppen von Landbesitz und politischer Partizipation ausgeschlossen. Diese Exklusionspolitik trifft jedoch nicht nur rezente Immigranten, sondern auch Bevölkerungsgruppen, die seit Jahrhunderten im heutigen Norden der Côte d'Ivoire ansässig sind.

Muslimische Frauen in Nigeria sind "eingeschlossen", aber nicht eingesperrt. Was bedeutet das aus ihrer Sicht? Katja Werthmann untersucht während ihres Feldforschungsaufenthaltes im nordnigerianischen Kano zentrale Aspekte des Alltagslebens von Frauen im islamischen Afrika.

In our project we investigate whether the current gold mining boom in Burkina Faso represents a case of enclaving. Do extractive enclaves emerge as the predominant spatial format of resource extraction in Burkina Faso vis-à-vis other spatial formats such as traditional forms of land tenure, subnational units of state administration, transregional regimes of managing resource extraction, or the nation state? If enclave formation can be observed, how does this emerging spatial format shape existing spatial orders? Is this process connected with the emergence of an "enclave democracy" or other forms of governance such as a new developmental or neo-extractivist state? Our project looks at the processes of de- and reterritorialization connected with the expansion of global capital and the emergence of nodes of resource governance in the gold mining sector. We hypothesize that the agency of stakeholders on the national and subnational levels (especially civil society organizations and local populations) in shaping these processes has increased since the 1990s. They act in varied ways, for example by mobilizing globally circulating ideas about development, resource management, and rights; by strategically networking with transnational or non-governmental organizations; or by resorting to violence on the ground. The project focuses on the consequences resulting from these actions for processes of enclaving from an anthropological perspective. ; In unserem Projekt untersuchen wir, ob der aktuelle Goldminenboom in Burkina Faso einen Fall der Enklavenbildung darstellt. Entstehen extraktive Enklaven als vorherrschendes Raumformat der Ressourcengewinnung in Burkina Faso gegenüber anderen Raumformaten, wie traditionelle Formen des Landbesitzes, subnationale Einheiten der staatlichen Verwaltung, transregionale Systeme der Ressourcengewinnung oder dem Nationalstaat? Wenn sich Enklavenbildung konstatieren lässt, stellt sich die Frage, wie das entstehende Raumformat bestehende Raumordnungen beeinflusst. Ist dieser Prozess mit dem Entstehen einer "Enklavendemokratie" oder anderen Formen der Governance, wie ein neuer entwicklungsbezogener oder neo-extraktivistischer Staat, verbunden? Unser Projekt betrachtet Prozesse der De- und Reterritorialisierung im Zusammenhang der Ausbreitung von globalem Kapital und dem Entstehen von Steuerungsknoten der Ressourcen im Goldminensektor. Unsere Hypothese ist, dass die Einflussnahme auf diese Prozesse durch Interessenvertreter auf nationaler und subnationaler Ebene (insbesondere zivilgesellschaftliche Organisationen und lokale Populationen) seit den 1990er Jahren zugenommen hat. Ihr Handeln ist vielfältig und umfasst beispielsweise die Mobilisierung von global zirkulierenden Ideen über Entwicklung, Ressourcenmanagement und Rechte, das strategische Vernetzen mit transnationalen Organisationen oder NGOs oder das Zurückgreifen auf Gewalt. Das Projekt betrachtet aus einer anthropologischen Perspektive die Folgen, die sich aus diesen Aktionen für Prozesse der Enklavenbildung ergeben.

The paper presents two case studies from Nigeria and Burkina Faso, that differ in many respects, but show also some significant similarities. In both cases, previously existing claims on land were not recognised by the national authorities who implemented development projects. But as a contrast, in the Nigerian case people had to move out of the territories that were now claimed by the state, whereas in the Burkina case people were brought into an area that was declared state property. As a result in both cases, this had specific implications for the inter-ethnic relations in the respective regions. In Nigeria, Kanuri farmers moved to new fertile areas that incidentally emerged parallel to the development efforts of the state.

The nucleus of statehood is situated at the local level: in the village, the neighborhood, the city district. This is where a community, beyond the level of the family, first develops collective rules that are intended to ensure its continued existence. But usually this is not the only level of governance at play. Above it, there are supralocal formations of power, varying in scope from regional networks to empires, which supplement the local orders or compete with them. The premise of this Research Unit is that local forms of self-governance are especially heterogeneous and prominent, wherever supralocal statehood exists in the mode of weak permeation. The central question of our approach is how local forms of self-governance work in this context. We will examine the relations to the state level as well as to other local groups as they develop over time; the scope and spatial contingency of forms of self-governance; their legitimization and the interdependency with the organization and collective identity of those groups which carry them out; finally, we will turn our attention to the significance of self-governance for the configuration of weak statehood. The empirical focus will be at the local level, which has so far been largely neglected in the research on governance beyond the state. In order to achieve this, we will work with case studies that are structured by categories and situated in geographical areas and time periods that lie outside of modern Europe with its particular development of statehood since the Late Middle Ages: in Antiquity, and in the Global South of the present. By incorporating these different time frames, we hope to contribute to overcoming the dichotomy between the modern and pre-modern era, which is often given canonical status. Our goal is to create a comparative analysis of different configurations of order as well as the development of a typology of patterns of local governance. The structure of the empirical comparison itself promises methodological insights, since it will entail recognizing, dealing with, and overcoming disciplinary limitations. Starting with the identification of typical patterns and processes, we hope to gain a better grasp of the mechanisms by which local configurations of order succeed, while at the same time advancing the theoretical debate. This will allow us to make an interdisciplinary contribution to the understanding of fundamental elements of statehood and local governance that are of central importance, especially in the context of weak statehood. The insights we hope to gain by adopting this historical perspective will contribute to understanding a present that is not based exclusively on its own, seemingly completely new preconditions, and will thus significantly sharpen the political analysis of various forms of governance.