Gendered mobilities of cycle-touring women in Hainan, China
In: Gender, place and culture: a journal of feminist geography, Band 31, Heft 5, S. 551-571
ISSN: 1360-0524
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In: Gender, place and culture: a journal of feminist geography, Band 31, Heft 5, S. 551-571
ISSN: 1360-0524
In: 23-286
SSRN
Organochlorine (OCPs) and organophosphorus pesticides (OPPs) have been intensively applied in rice paddy field farming to control pest infestation and increase the yield. In this study, we investigated the presence of organochlorine and organophosphorus pesticides in paddy rice and soil from rice plantations in Thailand and China. According to concentration and distribution of OCPs, the most abundant OCPs residues in rice and soil from Thailand and China were dichlorodiphenyltrichloroethane and hexachlorocyclohexanes. The OPPs of methidathion, carbophenothion, chlorpyrifos, and diazinon were common to Thailand and China in both types of samples. The detection frequency of multiple types of these pesticides was greater than 50% of total samples. The relative concentration of some OPPs residues in rice and soil from Thailand and China were significantly different from each other (p < ; 0.0083), whereas, no significant difference was observed for the relative concentration of OCPs residues in rice and soil from both countries, except for HCHs (p < ; 0.05). Bioaccumulation factors of OCPs between rice and soil samples indicated that OCPs and OPPs in soil could accumulate in rice. The carcinogenic and non- carcinogenic risks of OCPs and OPPs seem to be in the safe range as recommended by the European Union.
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In: Environmental science and pollution research: ESPR, Band 26, Heft 31, S. 32374-32384
ISSN: 1614-7499
In: Political psychology: journal of the International Society of Political Psychology
ISSN: 1467-9221
AbstractWe provide the first account of the culture wars in the political psychology and public opinion literature based on a theory of culture. Using innovative measures of grid‐group cultural theory (CT), we identify the cultures associated with ideological and partisan identifications in annual U.S. national surveys from 2011 to 2022, a unique data set of 24,870 respondents. As hypothesized, we find that the culture wars occur not just between ideologues and partisans but among them as they draw support from distinct, relatively stable yet shifting cultural coalitions. Egalitarian and, less often, fatalistic liberals and Democrats battle against individualistic and, less often, hierarchical, conservatives and Republicans. As hypothesized, fatalists are the least reliable coalition partners, and, as expected, they gravitate Republican and conservative in 2017, after Trump's election. However, fatalists who are strong partisan identifiers never defect. Moreover, our hypothesis that fatalist attraction to Trump would drive defections in their political identification is largely invalidated. Instead, fatalists mostly flee Trump in our aggregate analysis as well as in subanalyses of strong and weak ideological and partisan identifiers. In 2016 and 2018–2022, it appears that independent fatalists cause fatalists to gravitate liberal and Democrat. Unexpectedly, hierarchists also go liberal and Democrat in 2022, in apparent reaction to Trump's multifront attacks on the 2020 election that he lost. We identify the basis for cultural coalitions that can end particular culture wars, including the most significant one now occurring between egalitarians and individualists, and conclude with suggestions for further research.
In: Materials and design, Band 230, S. 111962
ISSN: 1873-4197
In: Defence Technology, Band 23, S. 8-18
ISSN: 2214-9147
In: Environmental science and pollution research: ESPR, Band 30, Heft 13, S. 35871-35871
ISSN: 1614-7499
In: Environmental science and pollution research: ESPR, Band 30, Heft 13, S. 35853-35870
ISSN: 1614-7499
In: EAI endorsed transactions on security and safety, Band 7, Heft 23, S. 164560
ISSN: 2032-9393
In: Journal of public policy, Band 44, Heft 2, S. 284-326
ISSN: 1469-7815
AbstractHow do cultural biases, trust in government, and perceptions of risk and protective actions influence compliance with regulation of COVID-19? Analyzing Chinese (n = 646) and American public opinion samples (n = 1,325) from spring 2020, we use Grid–Group Cultural Theory and the Protective Action Decision Model to specify, respectively, cultural influences on public risk perceptions and decision-making regarding protective actions. We find that cultural biases mostly affect protective actions indirectly through public perceptions. Regardless of country, hierarchical cultural biases increase protective behaviors via positive perceptions of protective actions. However, other indirect effects of cultural bias via public perceptions vary across both protective actions and countries. Moreover, trust in government only mediates the effect of cultural bias in China and risk perception only mediates the effect of cultural bias in the United States. Our findings suggest that regulators in both countries should craft regulations that are congenial to culturally diverse populations.
In: Defence Technology, Band 17, Heft 3, S. 792-799
ISSN: 2214-9147
In: Land use policy: the international journal covering all aspects of land use, Band 57, S. 645-654
ISSN: 0264-8377
In: Computers, Environment and Urban Systems, Band 84, S. 101544
In: Ecotoxicology and environmental safety: EES ; official journal of the International Society of Ecotoxicology and Environmental safety, Band 173, S. 214-224
ISSN: 1090-2414