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In addressing whether the much debated global implications of the rise of China represent an opportunity or a threat, this article presents a model of managed great power relations (MGPR), paying special attention to the relationship between a rising power and a dominant power in world politics, China and the United States. The inevitable question is whether there is now a 'one up and one down' beginning to happen-namely, is China 'up' and the United States 'down'? Three categories of criteria are needed to approach this question: the shift of power distribution, perceptions toward major powers, and the recognition of differing approaches and mentalities. Clearly, this question is linked to the perception of whether the rise of China is a threat or an opportunity. This article analyzes the implications of China's rapid economic growth to the ongoing dynamics of international relations and the possible reconfiguration of major power relations in the twenty-first century. Adapted from the source document.

This article examines the formation of Chinese foreign policy from the perspective of epistemic community and intellectuals. The impact of this community on Chinese foreign policy has drawn broad attention among China watchers in the West. The key developments under Jiang and Hu are the increasingly active and multi-layered channels between the centre and the periphery. In this paper, I have developed a notion of seven channels between these two bodies. The types of policy mechanisms include consultations with policy-makers, internal reports, conferences and public policy debates, policy NGOs, outside-system discussions, overseas scholars, and the epistemic community. I argue that the recent developments in intellectual and think-tank participation in the foreign policy-making process in Beijing have achieved great progress, but at the same time there are also severe limitations. I call this phenomenon "limited interactions between the centre and the periphery". One may anticipate that as civil society continues to develop in China, there will be further demand for policy input and increasing professionalism in both governmental agencies and think-tanks. It is likely that this will push intellectuals and scholars to play even greater roles in the years to come.

This article analyzes Chinese foreign policy toward two flashpoints in East Asia: the Korean peninsula and the Taiwan Strait. It argues that there has been an evolution in terms of Beijing's approaches toward these two international crises over time. One can discern three different approaches. First, historical legacies have always played a critical role in the formulation of China's policy calculations and the Korea and Taiwan issues are no exception. I call this the "history-embedded" perspective. Second, with the recent rise of China's economic and political might, nationalism in China has correspondingly been on the rise. National interests have been further prioritized over ideological considerations. This approach can be called "national interest-driven" foreign policy. Third, Beijing has become increasingly confident not only about its strengths in the world arena but also about its ability to coordinate with related powers regarding their various interests. This approach can be called "co-management of international crises" with major powers. The article argues that until recently China has emphasized the first two sets of considerations, but seems to be gradually moving toward a new approach, namely co-management with major powers. (Asian Perspect/GIGA)

This article examines the formation of Chinese foreign policy from the perspective of epistemic community & intellectuals. The impact of this community on Chinese foreign policy has drawn broad attention among China watchers in the West. The key developments under Jiang & Hu are the increasingly active & multi-layered channels between the centre & the periphery. In this paper, I have developed a notion of seven channels between these two bodies. The types of policy mechanisms include consultations with policy-makers, internal reports, conferences & public policy debates, policy NGOs, outside-system discussions, overseas scholars, & the epistemic community. I argue that the recent developments in intellectual & think-tank participation in the foreign policy-making process in Beijing have achieved great progress, but at the same time there are also severe limitations. I call this phenomenon 'limited interactions between the centre & the periphery.' One may anticipate that as civil society continues to develop in China, there will be further demand for policy input & increasing professionalism in both governmental agencies & think-tanks. It is likely that this will push intellectuals & scholars to play even greater roles in the years to come. References. Adapted from the source document.

The issue of Taiwan and relations across the Taiwan Strait is not only of fundamental interest to China, but also crucial to peace and stability in the Asian Pacific, thereby also making it of key concern to major players such as the United States and Japan. Beijing has faced enormous challenges over how to solve its dilemma. I would like to achieve reunification with Taiwan through a peaceful path, but perceive that it must be prepared for a war scenario if Taiwan insists on breaking from the mainland for its independence. The dilemma facing Beijing in terms of war or peace with Taiwan has become more acute since the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) moved to power in 2000. This article analyses Beijing's dilemma over the above policy choices by examining five stages of Beijing's assessment toward regime change in Taiwan from late 1999 to early 2005. It also illuminates the potential impact on major power relations in East Asia. (Pac Rev/DÜI)