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Non-ipsative measures of party preference (preference ratings for each of the parties of a political system) have become common in election studies. They exist in different forms, such as thermometer ratings or feeling scores, likes and dislikes scores, or choice propensities. Usually only one of these is included in a single survey, which makes it difficult to assess the relative merits of each. The Irish National Election Study 2002 (INES2002) contained three different batteries of non-ipsative party preferences, a feature which allows a systematic comparison between them. This paper investigates some properties of these different indicators. We focus mainly on the relationship between non-ipsative preferences and actual choices. This relationship is particularly revealing in a STV electoral system that allows voters to cast multiple ordered votes for candidates from different parties. Additionally, we investigate the latent structure of each of the batteries of party preferences and the relationships between them.We conclude that the three instruments are not interchangeable, that they measure different kinds of preferences. If the purpose is to study electoral choice and the process leading up to electoral choice, then the propensity to vote for a party is to be preferred over thermometer or feeling scores, and over likes/dislikes scores.

The inclusion of non-ipsative measures of party preference (in essence ratings for each of the parties of a political system) has become established practice in mass surveysconducted for election studies. They exist in different forms, known as thermometer ratings or feeling scores, likes and dislikes scores, or support propensities. Usually only one of these is included in a single survey, which makes it difficult to assess the relative merits of each. The questionnaire of the Irish National Election Study 2002 (INES2002) contained three different batteries of non-ipsative party preferences. This paper investigates some of the properties of these different indicators. We focus in particular on two phenomena. First, the relationship between non-ipsative preferences and the choicesactually made on the ballot. In Ireland this relationship is more revealing than in most other countries owing to the electoral system (STV) which allows voters to cast multipleordered votes for candidates from different parties. Second, we investigate the latent structure of each of the batteries of party preferences and the relationships between them. We conclude that the three instruments are not interchangeable, that they measure different orientations, and that one –the propensity to vote for a party– is by far preferable if the purpose of the study is the explanation of voters' actual choice behaviour. Thisfinding has important ramifications for the design of election study questionnaires.

This report constitutes SSHOC Deliverable 9.7 Design and Planning of Knowledge Graph in Electoral Studies. It describes the approach as well as the implementation plan for the SSHOC Pilot project in the field of electoral studies, which will constitute Deliverable 9.9. After a brief introduction that sets out the purpose of this report, Section 2 elaborates the substantive domain to be covered by the Knowledge Graph (KG) and subsequently develops the concept of a KG and reasons for developing such infrastructural tools. The substantive domain is contained within the field of Electoral Studies, which was described in detail in Deliverable 9.6 Demarcation Report of Electoral Studies User Community. For reasons of practicality, this domain has been further specified in several steps. First it was specified as pertaining to (sub)field of citizen/voter behavior, and subsequently it was narrowed down further to the field of (studies of) electoral participation. These choices imply that the KG to be developed will not cover the entire field of electoral studies, but that it will be centrally located within the wider field and that its relevance for end-users is not restricted to those who are primarily interested in electoral participation. The aspired functionality of the pilot-KG is discussed in Section 3. It defines as its intended audience of end-users in first instance scholars engaged in empirical research, but it expects in its later development stages to be also of relevance to journalists, think tanks, government agencies, corporations, political parties and politicians, and individual citizens. Functionalities to be sought relate to (a) focussed searching based on domain-specific criteria not available in other search tools; (b) teaching; and (c) research. Section 3 also discusses the main datasets and kinds of publications to be covered by the pilot-KG. The overwhelming majority of these datasets are in the public domain, while a considerable part of relevant publications is not (at least not for the first ...

This report constitutes SSHOC Deliverable 9.7 Design and Planning of Knowledge Graph in Electoral Studies. It describes the approach as well as the implementation plan for the SSHOC Pilot project in the field of electoral studies, which will constitute Deliverable 9.9. After a brief introduction that sets out the purpose of this report, Section 2 elaborates the substantive domain to be covered by the Knowledge Graph (KG) and subsequently develops the concept of a KG and reasons for developing such infrastructural tools. The substantive domain is contained within the field of Electoral Studies, which was described in detail in Deliverable 9.6 Demarcation Report of Electoral Studies User Community. For reasons of practicality, this domain has been further specified in several steps. First it was specified as pertaining to (sub)field of citizen/voter behavior, and subsequently it was narrowed down further to the field of (studies of) electoral participation. These choices imply that the KG to be developed will not cover the entire field of electoral studies, but that it will be centrally located within the wider field and that its relevance for end-users is not restricted to those who are primarily interested in electoral participation. The aspired functionality of the pilot-KG is discussed in Section 3. It defines as its intended audience of end-users in first instance scholars engaged in empirical research, but it expects in its later development stages to be also of relevance to journalists, think tanks, government agencies, corporations, political parties and politicians, and individual citizens. Functionalities to be sought relate to (a) focussed searching based on domain-specific criteria not available in other search tools; (b) teaching; and (c) research. Section 3 also discusses the main datasets and kinds of publications to be covered by the pilot-KG. The overwhelming majority of these datasets are in the public domain, while a considerable part of relevant publications is not (at least not for the first ...

Cover -- Contents -- List of Figures, Tables and Boxes -- Preface and Acknowledgements -- 1 Why Elections? -- Political parties -- Functions of elections -- The turnout paradox -- Limitations of elections -- Recurring themes -- Voters, electorates, parties and party systems -- The axis of political competition and the median voter -- Representation -- Electoral change -- Topics -- Countries -- Institutional arrangements -- Voters and the puzzle of the ignorant electorate -- Plan of the book -- 2 Studying Elections, Parties and Voters -- The political context: party systems -- The institutional context -- Problems of parliamentary government -- Problems of presidential systems -- Government formation -- How elections condition coalition bargaining -- Institutional influences on the structure of political life -- Habits and routines -- Socialization, immunization and party identification -- Preferences and choice -- Institutional change -- 3 Electoral Institutions -- Free and fair elections -- Votes and outcomes -- Electoral rules -- Trade-offs in designing an electoral system -- Electoral reform -- Rules of the game for government formation -- The role of the voters -- The majoritarian and proportional visions -- Dispersed versus concentrated power -- Presidents and monarchs in parliamentary systems -- 4 Voters and Parties -- Party identification -- Age, immunization and generational differences -- Group loyalties -- The decline of cleavage politics -- The rise of issue voting -- Long-term changes in electoral competition -- Strategic considerations -- The role of the Prime Minister in parliamentary regimes -- Tactical voting -- Candidate evaluations -- Implications -- 5 Outcomes of Elections -- Consequences of electoral shifts -- Incumbency and term limits -- Accountability -- Fairness in election outcomes.

This study examines effects of negative campaigning by political parties on citizens' electoral preferences in the 2015 General Election in England. We do so by using a large Internet panel study and an operationalisation of (perceived) negative campaigning that avoids social desirability. Our study acknowledges England's multiparty system by distinguishing between the campaign tones of all parties. Potential problems of endogeneity are addressed by leveraging the panel structure of the data and by extensive controls. We find that electoral preferences are weakened for parties engaging in negative campaigning and that this backlash effect gets stronger over the course of the campaign. We also find support for a second-preferences boost hypothesis: preferences for one's second-most preferred party are strengthened if its campaign is more positive than that of one's most-preferred party.

This study examines effects of negative campaigning by political parties on citizens' electoral preferences in the 2015 General Election in England. We do so by using a large Internet panel study and an operationalisation of (perceived) negative campaigning that avoids social desirability. Our study acknowledges England's multiparty system by distinguishing between the campaign tones of all parties. Potential problems of endogeneity are addressed by leveraging the panel structure of the data and by extensive controls. We find that electoral preferences are weakened for parties engaging in negative campaigning and that this backlash effect gets stronger over the course of the campaign. We also find support for a second-preferences boost hypothesis: preferences for one's second-most preferred party are strengthened if its campaign is more positive than that of one's most-preferred party.