Suchergebnisse

This article assesses the validity and reliability of the approach used to measure community mo bilization in the Seattle Minority Youth Health Project (MYHealth), a neighborhood-based pro gram to prevent drug use, violence, teen pregnancy, and sexually transmitted diseases (STDs). Two constructs were measured: neighborhood cooperation in solving problems, and sense of pride and identification with the neighborhood. The convergent validity of the measurement ap proach was assessed by comparing several independent measures of community mobilization generatedfrom surveys of key neighborhood leaders, youth, and parents. For the neighborhood cooperation construct, correlations were uniformly positive across measuresfrom different sur veys and statistically significant about a quarter of the time. The correlations for the neighbor hood pride construct were weaker and generally not statistically significant. Interrater reliabil ity was low for all of the surveys, possibly reflecting varying ideas about what community mobili zation meant among survey respondents.

This research considers how empowerment, sense of community, and neighboring behavior affect the likelihood that residents living in high-poverty neighborhoods engage in discussion about community issues (i.e., teen pregnancy, STDs, and violence) that directly affect their lives and the lives of their neighbors. The present study is conducted in homogeneous, very high-poverty (i.e., public housing) neighborhoods located in a moderate-size city. Data generated by telephone interviews with 257 public housing residents show that sense of community and neighboring behaviors, but not empowerment, are predictors of discussion about these issues, with neighboring behaviors being the most important. Neighboring behaviors also predicted working with others to solve neighborhood problems and contacting elected officials about neighborhood issues. Based on these findings, the viability of different organizing strategies that might be applied to high-poverty, inner-city neighborhoods is explored.

AbstractThe experiences of communities in Rio de Janeiro under threat of removal through gentrification or mega-event construction present an opportunity to review the process and impact of urban community mobilization. This article assesses the determinants of community strategies, the challenges to implementation, and the impact of mobilization on outcomes for such communities. It reviews the case of Vila Autódromo, detailing the dynamic influence of both rational expectations and the "right to the city" ideology in developing resistance strategies and providing evidence to confirm the importance of social capital and civic capacity for community efficacy. The analysis updates theorizing beyond the politics of clientelism and contributes to understanding how the urban regime approach may apply to the Latin American context, while demonstrating the continued relevance of the political opportunity structure for determining policy outcomes.

This paper presents the results of a qualitative, ethnographic study of participants in the 2014 Ferguson protest, exploring the intersection of the movement's online, social and mobile media uses and its offline community-building and mobilization. For Ferguson protesters, it was participatory, online media—social and mobile media, in particular—that greatly strengthened the offline practices of solidarity, community, and togetherness through the act of sharing. As with other contemporary technology-embedded social movements, the Ferguson protests suggest new evidence that these types of movements continue to serve as a laboratory for emerging democratic practices, one with new online, mobile tools used in spaces that intersect with offline efforts, such as boots-on-the-ground organization, strategy development and community mobilization.

Whether environmental conflicts, eg, over the siting of facilities, or impacts on natural resources, are an effective vehicle for community mobilization is examined, based on personal experience in making judgments on such issues. The impact of existing or alternative approaches to conflict resolution & the extent to which the public good should be addressed in such conflicts are also discussed. It is contended that environmental disputes may not lead to community empowerment, & may actually disempower poor or minority communities. It is concluded that, where there is debate over the public good, it is more likely to occur in terms of priorities rather than absolutes, & as a self-interested justification of positions taken, rather than any lofty notion of an independently defined public interest. 11 References. Adapted from the source document.

Community Mobilization refers to those activities that prepare communities to accept, receive, and support prevention interventions designed to reduce alcohol-involved trauma. Media advocacy refers to the strategic use of media by those seeking to advance a social or public policy initiative. Within the Community Prevention Trial, both of these activities were critical elements. This article presents the evaluation design for communcty mobilization and media advocacy implemented for the project. Here the authors argue for the need to include both structured and unstructured community monitoring instruments, coding of local alcohol-related news coverage, and surveying community members about the exposure to alcohol-related problems, and support for project interventions. This article also presents an audience segmen tation analysis and discusses the implications of this analysis for media advocacy efforts.