Suchergebnisse

Today, social media is perceived as "the media." Blogs and bloggers have changed journalism; YouTube has discovered rare and raw talents; and "the trinity" (Facebook, Twitter, YouTube) have sparked revolutions. Focusing on end-users instead of producers and its interactive-ness are two paramount characters that permit ordinary people to engage in extra-ordinary activities. From the showbiz to politics, social media has left its marks. The World political events in recent years, in particular Arab Spring of MENA (Middle East and North Africa) have showcased positive link between social media and democratization. Malaysia has experienced quite a similar phenomenon to MENA in the verge of the 12th General Election (GE-12), held on March 8, 2008. The failure of the only ruling coalition, Barisan Nasional (National Front, or BN) to retain its two-third majority in the GE-12 is an empirical evident of people's desire and aspiration for free and fair elections, good-governance, and democratization which are very different from race-based politics. At a glimpse, the results of the 13th General Election (GE-13) which was held on May 5, 2013 are quite similar to the GE-12. Yet, deeper analyses indicated race-base politics and "strong government" has made a comeback. Hence, this article explores the paradox when the state is not only interfering but also participating in social media. This exploration demonstrates social media is not only meant for the masses; and that by possessing money, machinery, and authority; the state is potentially dominant at social media.

Democracy is an ally of the feminist project and a necessary condition for its success. The European post-crisis context shows evidence of de-democratization processes that represent a remarkable challenge. This article investigates gender equality and processes of de-democratization in Spain in the aftermath of the 2008 economic crisis. It argues that neoliberalism, authoritarian shifts, and political corruption are three key dimensions of the processes of de-democratization in Spain that contribute to oppose gender equality. However, political contestation and feminist collective agency both in movements and institutions have played a key role in counteracting these dynamics. Civil society and feminist movements' struggles for democracy, equality and social justice, the role of new populist left parties in channeling some of the protesters' demands, gender equality institutions keeping gender on the agenda despite austerity cuts, and new local governments emerging from civic platforms after the 2015 elections have been effective in resisting attacks to Spanish democracy. A thorough revision of academic literature and other secondary sources helps to capture the specificities of this complex political setting.

Democracy is an ally of the feminist project and a necessary condition for its success. The European post-crisis context shows evidence of de-democratization processes that represent a remarkable challenge. This article investigates gender equality and processes of de-democratization in Spain in the aftermath of the 2008 economic crisis. It argues that neoliberalism, authoritarian shifts, and political corruption are three key dimensions of the processes of de-democratization in Spain that contribute to oppose gender equality. However, political contestation and feminist collective agency both in movements and institutions have played a key role in counteracting these dynamics. Civil society and feminist movements' struggles for democracy, equality and social justice, the role of new populist left parties in channeling some of the protesters' demands, gender equality institutions keeping gender on the agenda despite austerity cuts, and new local governments emerging from civic platforms after the 2015 elections have been effective in resisting attacks to Spanish democracy. A thorough revision of academic literature and other secondary sources helps to capture the specificities of this complex political setting.

Partiendo de la constatación de que las políticas desarrolladas históricamente por los gobiernos ecuatorianos han generado las condiciones legales y materiales para una situación de acentuada desdemocratización de la comunicación en el país, este artículo analiza el "activismo estatal" emprendido por el gobierno de Rafael Correa frente a los medios masivos. En lugar de presuponer que este activismo, instrumentado por un régimen político de características populistas, conduce necesariamente a la democratización de la comunicación mediatizada, se da cuenta de los avances realizados y se alerta sobre las acciones gubernamentales que han resultado desdemocratizadoras. ; Starting from the fact that politics in Ecuador have historically generated the legal and material conditions necessary for an accentuated de-democratization of communications in this country, this article analyzes the "state activism" carried out by Rafael Correa's administration regarding mass media. Instead of assuming that this activism –which is implemented by a political regime with populist qualities– necessarily leads to democratization of media communications, this article recognizes its accomplishments and takes caution on governmental actions that have resulted in a loss of democratic exercise.

This article is an endeavour to explore the changing networking strategies of women's non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in Turkey over the last decade. We delineate the shifts and changes during what we call the de-democratization process where secular women's organizations face significant constraints and difficulties while networking and lobbying the government. Under these constrained conditions, yet, secular women's organizations make an exceptional effort to sustaining their lobbying activities and changing their networking strategies as well as partners. Relying on the related literature and 26 semi-structured in-depth interviews conducted with activist members of these organizations with about a 15-year time difference, this paper contends that Turkish women's organizations under the New Turkey are forced to find alternative allies and adjust their velvet triangles of support. Though their strategies were similar in some ways, the type of partnerships formed and who these partners are changed from the first and second decade of the 2000s. Thus, the paper shows how the secular women's organizations adapt to new resources as they mobilize and how they shift away from employing the single target approach to double while changing their initial networking and collaboration partners. ; publishedVersion

Colin Crouch has collected evidence to demonstrate how current democratic societies, with a new wave of economic liberalism in the past four decades, have entered a "post-democratic" era. He uses the formula of a parabolato highlight the structure of this long-term transformation. According to him, in the "post-democratic" period the democratic institutions still remain formally intact, but the political class has increasingly become more dependent on big corporations and financial institutions and less dependent on ordinary citizens. In this paper, I will try to integrate this concept of democracy in a process-sociological concept of democratization and de-democratization. It will be discussed why the second concept is more reality congruent than the less differentiated and static concept of "post-democracy." With the aid of this new process or figurational sociological concept, one is able to empirically investigate both processes of democratization and de-democratization. To conclude the paper, this new concept will be briefly applied to the ongoing political and social processes in the United States.

AbstractToday, social media is perceived as the media. Blogs and bloggers have changed journalism; YouTube has discovered rare and raw talents; and the trinity (Facebook, Twitter, YouTube) have sparked revolutions. Focusing on end-users instead of producers and its interactive-ness are two paramount characters that permit ordinary people to engage in extra-ordinary activities. From the showbiz to politics, social media has left its marks. The World political events in recent years, in particular Arab Spring of MENA (Middle East and North Africa) have showcased positive link between social media and democratization. Malaysia has experienced quite a similar phenomenon to MENA in the verge of the 12th General Election (GE-12), held on March 8, 2008. The failure of the only ruling coalition, Barisan Nasional (National Front, or BN) to retain its two-third majority in the GE-12 is an empirical evident of people"s desire and aspiration for free and fair elections, good-governance, and democratization which are very different from race-based politics. At a glimpse, the results of the 13th General Election (GE-13) which was held on May 5, 2013 are quite similar to the GE-12. Yet, deeper analyses indicated race-base politics and "strong government" has made a comeback. Hence, this article explores the paradox when the state is not only interfering but also participating in social media. This exploration demonstrates social media is not only meant for the masses; and that by possessing money, machinery, and authority; the state is potentially dominant at social media. Keywords: Democratization, de-democratization, social media, general election AbstrakSaat ini, media sosial diterima sebagai media. Blog dan para blogger mengubah jurnalisme: YouTube menemukan bakat-bakat terpendam dan alami; serta the trinity (Facebook, Twitter, YouTube) telah memicu revolusi. Fokus yang lebih diberikan kepada pengguna akhir ketimbang produsen dan karakter interaktifnya adalah dua karakter penting yang memungkinkan orang-orang biasa terlibat dalam aktivitas-aktivitas yang tidak biasa. Dari pertunjukan ke politik, media sosial telah meninggalkan jejaknya. Peristiwa politik dunia dalam beberapa tahun terakhir, khususnya fenomena Arab Spring dari MENA (Timur Tengah dan Afrika Utara) telah menunjukkan hubungan positif antara media sosial dan demokratisasi. Malaysia mempunyai pengalaman yang hampir sama dengan fenomena MENA dalam Pemilihan Umum ke 12 (GE-12), pada 8 Maret 2008. Kegagalan dari satu-satunya koalisi yang berkuasa, Barisan Nasional (National Front, or BN) untuk mempertahankan 2/3 suaranya adalah bukti empiris bahwa rakyat berkeinginan dan mempunyai aspirasi untuk Pemilu yang bebas dan adil, pemerintahan yang baik, dan demokratisasi yang sangat berbeda dari politik berbasis ras. Sekilas, hasil Pemilihan Umum 13 (GE-13) yang diselenggarakan pada 5 Mei 2013 sangat mirip dengan GE-12. Namun, analisis yang lebih dalam menunjukkan bahwa politik berbasis ras dan pemerintah kuat telah kembali. Oleh karena itu, artikel ini mengeksplorasi hal yang paradoks ketika negara tidak hanya mencampuri tetapi juga berpartisipasi di media sosial. Eksplorasi ini menunjukkan bahwa media sosial tidak hanya dimaksudkan untuk massa; dan bahwa dengan memiliki uang, mesin, dan otoritas; negara berpotensi menjadi dominan di media sosial. Kata-Kata Kunci: Demokratisasi, de-demokratisasi, media sosial, pemilihan umum

Hungary was once a frontrunner of democratization. However, since Viktor Orbán came to power in 2010, the country has been the subject of critical media coverage and concerns due to illiberal policies and anti-EU rhetoric. The book helps to analyze and evaluate the developments by providing relevant case knowledge. It provides sound insights into Hungary's system of government, society, parties and media, as well as selected policy areas. It focuses on how different policy areas have been influenced by the EU, traces important lines of development over the past decades, and compares the findings with other states of the region. The authors' professional expertise and broad knowledge of the political systems of Hungary and Europe provide a well-founded analysis of the developments in the region. The editors Dr. Ellen Bos is Professor of Comparative Politics with a focus on Central and Eastern Europe in the EU and Vice-Rector for Research and Young Researchers at Andrássy University Budapest. Dr. Astrid Lorenz is Professor of the Political System of Germany and Politics in Europe and Dean of the Faculty of Social Sciences and Philosophy at Leipzig University.

Hungary's political system between party competition and structural constraints: Domestic polarization despite constant patterns of behavior and consensus in the basic lines of foreign and economic policy -- Political system and development of democracy in Hungary: functional deficits and instrumentalization of democratic procedures by the governing parties -- Agony of a young constitutional state. The Hungarian Constitution 1989 to 2019 -- Contested Terrain. Politics and the Constitutional Court in Hungary since 1990 -- Traditional lines of social conflict and their influences on the Hungarian party system -- Referendums in Hungary: Instrumentalization of direct democracy by (ruling) parties in an increasingly illiberal environment -- Civil society, social movements, and political participation in Hungary: Diverse but weakly organized -- The Political Economy of Hungary: Managing Structural Dependency on the West -- Hungarian Foreign Policy 1990 to 2018: Europeanization without Conviction -- Hungary's Self-Peripherization in the European Union: Background and Prospects -- Hungary's Asylum and Refugee Policy: Change in Three Stages -- Right-Wing Populism and the Free Spirit - On the State of Science in Viktor Orbán's Hungary -- Regional Policy in Hungary: EU Influences and the (Re)Centralized Pursuit of National Priorities.