Pedagogies of Dissent: Meditations on Decolonial Disruptions --Round 1:Visioning for and Conceptualizing Decolonial Equity --Theorizing Decolonial Equity: Coyote takes a Chapter /Billie Allan --Decolonizing Equity Praxis /Shauneen Pete --Theorizing of De-colonializing Equity and the Nation-State /Kathy Hogarth --Round 2:Being and Doing: Decolonial Equity in Practice --Tkaranto Ondaadizi-Gamig: Birth is a Ceremony /Roberta Pike with contributors Cheryllee Bourgeouis and Sara Booth --Introducing Indigenous and Black Youth to a New Vision of Social Work /Terry Gardiner --Decolonizing Urban Education /Roland Sintos Coloma --Round 3:On Healing, Well-being and Sustainability: Taking Care in the Work of Decolonizing Equity --Call for Integrating Radical Healing and Imagination into Critical Race Education /Ozioma Aloziem --Centring Subjectivity: Witnessing and Wellness /V.C. Rhonda Hackett --Closing the Circle /Billie Allen and V.C. Rhonda Hackett.
The first book of its kind 'Decolonizing Geography' offers an indispensable introductory guide to the origins, current state and implications of the decolonial project in geography. Sarah A. Radcliffe recounts the influence of colonialism on the discipline of geography and introduces key decolonial ideas, explaining why they matter and how they change geography's understanding of people, environments and nature. She explores the international origins of decolonial ideas through to current Indigenous thinking, coloniality-modernity, anti-Blackness, and decolonial feminisms of colour. Throughout, she presents an original synthesis of wide-ranging literatures and offers a systematic decolonizing approach to space, place, nature, global-local relations, the Anthropocene, and much more. 'Decolonizing Geography' is an essential resource for students and instructors aiming to broaden their understanding of the nature, origins and purpose of a geographical education.
This interdisciplinary study examines the question of decolonizing the white colonizer in the United States. After establishing the U.S. as a nation-state built on and still manifesting a colonial tradition of white supremacy which necessitates multifaceted decolonization, the dissertation asks and addresses two questions: 1) what particular issues need to be taken into account when attempting to decolonize the white colonizer and 2) how might the white colonizer participate in decolonization processes? Many scholars in the fields this dissertation draws on -- Critical Race Theory, Critical Ethnic Studies, Coloniality and Decolonial Theory, Language Socialization, and Performance Studies -- have offered incisive analyses of colonial white supremacy, and assume a transformation of white subjectivities as part of the envisioned transformation of social, political and economic relationships. However, in regards to processes of decolonization, most of that work is focused on the decolonization of political and economic structures and on decolonizing the colonized. The questions pursued in this dissertation do not assume a simplistic colonizer/colonized binary but recognize the saliency of geo- and bio-political positionalities. As a result of these different positionalities, white U.S. citizens committed to participating in our own decolonization and in the decolonization of our (social, political, educational, and economic) structures and relationships with others must learn from but cannot simply imitate or appropriate decolonial methodologies developed by indigenous people and people of color.The title of this dissertation posits decolonization as an active ongoing process (through the use of the verb-form, i.e. "decolonizing") without guarantees (through the use of the question mark). Each chapter addresses a different yet interrelated aspect of this process:Chapter One intervenes in the reconstructionism versus abolitionism debate in Whiteness Studies, and offers p/reparations as a framework for redistributory practices and (inter)personal transformation and as a methodology through which the white colonizer might contribute to racial justice and decolonization projects. P/reparations processes are open-ended and include apologies, material and cultural redress, and structural change to ensure non-recurrence. By highlighting historical and contemporary processes of accumulation by dispossession, p/reparations processes emphasize interconnectedness and challenge the illusion of autonomous individuals, groups and nation-states. Thus, a p/reparations framework intervenes into discourses of meritocracy and equal opportunity; denaturalizes notions of citizenship, immigration, and the borders of nation-states; and provides counter-narratives to discourses of aid and charity which assume the assets being redistributed were legitimately acquired and that acts of redistribution should thus be met with gratitude. Chapter Two examines the ways in which the geographical control of bodies has been a key technology of white supremacist colonialism. Given the entanglement of geographical (im)mobility with social (im)mobility and an unequal racialized distribution of premature death, decolonization and the dismantling of white supremacy necessitates not only the redistribution of political and economic resources but divesting from U.S.-ness itself. As such, decolonization requires not only white abolitionism but also U.S.-abolitionism. This chapter interrogates the use of the trope of "the criminal" by both the nation-state and the prison industrial complex, and the ways in which these discourses are mobilized as threats to the white colonizer's "home." As such, this chapter argues that, for the white colonizer, one aspect of decolonization may require developing a relationship to home as a foreign concept as well as (in many cases) pursuing downward rather than upward mobility.Chapter Three suggests power-conscious hybridity as a technology the white colonizer can employ in the face of this challenge of needing to claim whiteness and U.S.-ness even as we seek to participate in their abolition. Hybridity emphasizes that no one is reducible to any particular "identity." In order not to disappear into colorblind "humanness," engage in cultural appropriation, and/or revalorize whiteness, however, the white colonizer's employment of hybridity must simultaneously involve (de)facing whiteness. (De)facing implies a double movement: facing whiteness, in all of its horror, without resorting to white flight; and defacing whiteness, both in the sense of destroying it and in the sense of de-facing it, i.e. undoing the notion that whiteness is human.Chapter Four examines issues of pedagogy and curricula inside and outside the classroom as they pertain to processes of recreating and transforming colonial white supremacy. This chapter critiques discourses of "equality of opportunity" as a primary ideological mechanism supporting colonial white supremacy in the current age of colorblind racism. Through participant-observation of two different attempts at "social justice" schooling (one at the high school level, one at the college level), it examines the creation of what Michel Foucault calls "docile bodies," and draws on pedagogies from theater as possibilities for cultivating counter-disciplines of the body. This chapter ends with a list of specific skills the white colonizer needs to learn for the purpose of decolonization. "Chapter" Five attempts to "practice what I preach" (in particular in relation to the colonial white supremacy institutionalized as epistemological hierarchies in the academy) by revisiting the topics of this dissertation in a live performance. This theoretical and methodological intervention enacts a response to critiques of the mind/body split in colonial epistemologies, and positions performance as analysis which must be engaged on its own terms -- rather than only as a methodology or phenomenon that is then analyzed in writing. This is also a pedagogical intervention which insists on the importance and legitimacy of multiple modalities of communication beyond writing within academia, and seeks to make academia feel accessible to a wider range of people with a range of learning and teaching styles.The Inconclusion addresses the question of why the white colonizer would want to decolonize. It argues that the prerequisite for wanting to decolonize is recognizing oneself as colonizer and all beings as interconnected. Then decolonization becomes not so much a choice as a spiritual--which is also to say political--imperative. As such, this dissertation argues not only against the mind/body split, but also against the mind/body/soul split by emphasizing the importance of politicizing and embodying spirituality and infusing political movements with spiritual convictions.
The violence in Mexico is frequently signified in documentary images by the visibility of the corpse, which abstracts the social conditions of disenfranchisement and vulnerability parsed unevenly on the basis of gender and sexuality. Specifically with respect to missing and murdered women across the Americas, the corpse frequently comes to signify abstract violence itself rather than the social conditions of disenfranchisement and vulnerability that women and queer and trans people face daily. Through a reading of installations and interventions by the Mexican artist Teresa Margolles, this article seeks to address how ethical encounters might be summoned through proximate, intimate encounters with the very absence of the disappeared body, represented through bodily fluids and fragmentary remains. The article argues that such aesthetic experiments point to decolonizing forms of intimacy that entail new forms of relationality, resisting a socially confined "rights-based" subject. Instead of structures of recognition, the decorporealized matter present in Margolles's work both represents the biopolitical regulation of life and continues to impress themselves on the living from another social space. Finally, the article reflects on Margolles's invitation to participate in performing her sculptures and on the circuits of debt, remittances, and gifts proffered by such intimate engagements with bodily and nonhuman life.
This article explores what it means to decolonize feminism in the university today. Pushing against the idea that feminism in the university is disengaged from broader struggles, the article suggests a complex relationship between feminism as a knowledge project and as a political one. While feminism has had a long-standing decolonizing imperative within the university, equally challenging has been the decolonization of feminism. The #MeToo era has foregrounded the universalizing horizon of feminism, posing new challenges for this project. Arguing for a more complex understanding of generations and the politics of location in these debates, the article draws on a recent and not so recent feminist archive, such as the articulation of ideas of intersectionality and the ways in which multiple feminisms have been understood, in order to explore decolonizing feminism today.
Annette K. Joseph-Gabriel's Reimagining Liberation: How Black Women Transformed Citizenship in the French Empire (2020) models the critical possibilities of attending to the overlooked records of Black women's political imaginations. This discussion essay explores what happens if we extend Joseph-Gabriel's recuperative method past the 1960s and into the early independence era. No one would call the Senegalese novelist Mariama Bâ overlooked, and yet Bâ herself has often been absent from her own reception history. One understudied archive for Bâ is a biography of the novelist written by her daughter Mame Coumba Ndiaye. Harmonizing with Joseph-Gabriel's notion of decolonial citizenship, this essay asks how the stakes of Bâ's work shift if we read her alongside Ndiaye's overlooked text. While Black women of Bâ's generation may have been more likely to be widely recognized than those explored in Reimagining Liberation, their political imaginations have sometimes been misconstrued as nationalist in ways that obscure their articulation through the transnational feminist networks that sustained them.
Examines development discourse & educational discourse as components of global economization, focusing on how economic interests dominate the US system of mandatory education. The close association of education & international development with progress is discussed. The origins of development discourse in medieval Europe as part of the political strategy of economization, which formally separated economics from society & culture, is described. It is shown how economization sees scarcity as necessary to human existence, transforming basic needs into unlimited wants & destroying the heterogeneity of traditional societies in Europe & its colonies. It is argued that the imposition of development discourse & economization on colonized peoples is similar to the dominance of economic concerns in US public schools. It is hoped that, by understanding the link between current educational discourse & this economic mode of human understanding & action, educators will band together to de-economize the public schools &, thus, decolonize society. T. Arnold
Ecocritical work on media has developed from a genre criticism of nature-themed films to address cinema, TV, and media arts more broadly as articulations of the human-natural relation and its mediation through technologies. Embracing the environmental impacts of product life cycles, from materials extraction and industrial production to energy use and recycling, these advances in ecocriticism have begun to address the differential experiences of affected populations. This essay looks at the "environmentalism of the poor" with specific reference to indigenous peoples affected by the digital media industries. It seeks to address a lacuna in mainstream Green politics, drawing on colonial, postcolonial, and decolonial analyses and indigenous methodologies, in order to propose a de-Westernizing move in ecopolitics.
Abstract The borders between North and South quickly erode when we study the history of anti-colonial revolutions. This is perhaps especially true of France, where the Palestinian revolution has been a rallying cry in the struggle for migrant rights for the past half century. This article investigates the reactivation of anti-colonialism in the postcolonial era, tracing the decades-long "postcolonial anti-colonial" movements born in migrant circles in France, from the 1970s to the present. What happens to the notion of anti-colonial revolution when it is brought back to the metropole? How does it change when it is brought to bear on the migrant question? First posed by the Palestine committees forged by migrant workers, foreign students, and Maoist militants in the wake of the September 1970 massacre of Palestinians in Jordan, these questions have shaped discourses around migrant rights in France for the past fifty years. In conclusion, this article revisits the archive of the migrant theater collective Al Assifa as it is remediated in Bouchra Khalili's 2017 film The Tempest Society, and speculates on the current place of migration in world historical discourses of decolonization.
This article demonstrates the import of feminist reflexivity for the decolonial project. At its best, the decolonial project reveals the form and extent to which contemporary ideas and power structures are imbued with generations of power structures whose foundations were laid during colonialism. However, some power dynamics can be lost in reified forms of decolonial critique. Feminist methodologies, especially reflexivity, remind us to revisit the particulars of the constructions of power within dominant power structures and, as importantly, within resistant power structures. We revisit the decolonial stance within an Indigenous cosmology, Aymaridad, 'the' Aymara worldview as constructed for the second largest Indigenous population in Bolivia. Aymaridad is an important site for feminists to revisit the relationship between feminism and decoloniality because over a decade ago, María Lugones charted a course for decolonial feminism that drew on an Aymaran approach to decolonizing gender. By revisiting the coloniality embedded in the construction of Aymara (in academe and in politics), we reveal that feminism's persistent reflexive methodology, even more than its attention to gender specifically, makes it an essential part of the decolonial theory.
"In New York Harbour, at the entrance to the United States of America, stands the Statue of Liberty: Liberty Enlightening the World. Liberty stands as a beacon welcoming all to the land of the free, holding a torch and a tablet inscribed with the date of American Declaration of Independence. At her feet lies a broken chain. The ideal of freedom is celebrated as the definitive ideal of modern western civilization, and is exported to the world, often by force. Wars and invasions are justified with the claim that we must free the foreign people, whom we will then turn away at our borders. Many are excluded from the ideal of freedom: the American Declaration of Independence was signed by slave owners, and the land that was declared independent was stolen from Indigenous peoples. Indigenous lands and peoples around the world remain colonized, and the practice of Black slavery continues in practices of mass incarceration. The land of the free, like other "developed" nations, polices its borders to keep out unwanted foreigners. Walls are not really necessary. Worldwide, the freedom of some depends on the exploitation and oppression and exclusion of most of the world's people"--
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This essay argues that there is a need to decolonize the genealogy of civil war. David Armitage's new book brilliantly reveals civil war's generative power in shaping European and North American conceptions of politics, revolution, and the laws of war. But to make sense of the discourse of civil war we also need to account for the constitutive exclusions of those whose struggles elite Europeans refused to recognize as "civil," those not recognized as part of a common brotherhood or as co-belligerents. The absence/ presence of women, slaves, and barbarous armies is vital to the historical conception of civil war.
