Suchergebnisse

U ovome radu razmatraju se mogućnosti i izazovi odgoja i obrazovanja usmjerenog prema razvoju učeničkih kompetencija. Polazeći od konteksta suvremenog društva, u okviru kojeg dolazi do usmjeravanja obrazovnih politika i njihovih sustava prema razvoju učeničkih kompetencija, te na temelju analitičkog razmatranja složenosti pojma kompetencije i pokušaja njegova određenja u kontekstu odgoja i obrazovanja, razmotrena su i deskriptivno određena temeljna obilježja odgoja, obrazovanja i kurikuluma usmjerenih prema razvoju učeničkih kompetencija, kao i prednosti i nedostatci takvoga pristupa obrazovanju. Pregledom domaće i strane literature te metaanalizom dosadašnjih razmatranja dolazi se do zaključka da je holistički pristup kompetencijama, u okviru kojeg se one određuju kao višedimenzionalna i transferalna kvaliteta djelovanja, najprihvatljiviji za kontekst općeg i obveznog obrazovanja i predstavlja svojevrstan potencijal za podizanje njegove kvalitete. Izazovi takvoga pristupa i njegova implementacija u odgojnoobrazovni kontekst hrvatskoga školstva složeni je zadatak za nadolazeću kurikulumsku reformu. Osnovni cilj trebalo bi biti ostvarenje pozitivnih obilježja i potencijala koje takav pristup nudi, osobito u smislu njegova doprinosa cjeloživotnom učenju i obrazovanju. ; Tis paper attempts to provide overview of the opportunities and challenges of education oriented towards the development of students' competencies. Based on a description of attributes of contemporary society, where educational policies and their systems are become focused to the development of students' competencies, and considering the complexity of this concept and attempts of its determination in the context of education, author considers fundamental characteristics of education and curriculum oriented towards the development of students' competencies, as well as the advantages and disadvantages of this approach to education. Based on a review of literature on the subject of competencies in education and meta-analysis of previous papers, the author fnds that the holistic approach to competencies, wherein they are defned as multidimensional and transferral quality of action, is the most suitable for the context of primary and compulsory education, and represents a unique potential to raise its quality. Te challenges of this approach and its implementation in Croatian educational context is a complex duty for the upcoming curriculum reform. Te main goal should be achievement of positive characteristics and potential that this approach offers, particularly in terms of its contribution to lifelong learning and education. ; Dieses Papier versucht, einen Überblick über die Chancen und Herausforderungen der Bildung zu geben, die auf die Entwicklung der Kompetenzen der Studierenden ausgerichtet sind. Auf der Grundlage einer Beschreibung der Attribute der zeitgenössischen Gesellschaf, in der sich die Bildungspolitik und ihre Systeme auf die Entwicklung der Kompetenzen der Schüler konzentrieren und die Komplexität dieses Konzepts und die Bemühungen ihrer Entschlossenheit im Rahmen der Bildung berücksichtigen, berücksichtigt der Autor grundlegende Merkmale von Bildung und Curriculum, die auf die Entwicklung der Kompetenzen der Studierenden ausgerichtet sind, sowie die Vor- und Nachteile dieses Bildungsansatzes. Auf der Grundlage einer Literaturrecherche zum Tema Kompetenzen in der Bildung und Metaanalyse früherer Zeitungen stellt der Autor fest, dass der ganzheitliche Kompetenzansatz, in dem sie als multidimensionale und übertragende Wirkungsqualität defniert sind, für den Kontext am geeignetsten ist Der Primar- und Schulpflicht und stellt ein einzigartiges Potenzial dar, um seine Qualität zu erhöhen. Die Herausforderungen dieses Ansatzes und seine Umsetzung im kroatischen Bildungskontext sind eine komplexe Aufgabe für die bevorstehende Curriculumsreform. Das Hauptziel sollte die Erreichung positiver Merkmale und Potenziale sein, die dieser Ansatz vor allem im Hinblick auf seinen Beitrag zum lebenslangen Lernen und Bildung bietet.

Temeljno pitanje na koje ovaj rad pokušava dati odgovor jest zašto je demokratska transformacija bila uspješna u Tunisu, a u Egiptu i Alžiru nije. Istraživanju je primarno pristupljeno sa stajališta deskriptivno-empirijskih teorija aktera, iako su korištene i kulturalističke teorije kako bi se bolje razumjele političke ideje i stavovi islamističkih aktera. Strategija istraživanja je fokusirana komparativna studija triju slučajeva – Tunisa, Egipta i Alžira – odnosno intraregionalna komparativna studija, budući da je riječ o zemljama koje pripadaju podregiji Sjeverne Afrike kao podsustavu regije Bliskog istoka. Komparativna studija ima različite ishode na ovisnoj varijabli kako bi se izbjegla neprirodna selekcijska pristranost te postigao kvazieksperimentalan efekt. Hipoteza koja je ponuđena glasi da je Tunis imao mekši civilni autoritarni režim koji je dopuštao interakciju i suradnju oporbenih i režimskih elita, a što je rezultiralo političkim dogovorom te, posljedično, uspješnom demokratskom tranzicijom. U slučaju Egipta i Alžira interakcija oporbenih i režimskih elita imala je prvenstveno oblik sukoba te je izostao politički dogovor, a time i demokratska tranzicija. Neovisne varijable koje su izolirane u teorijskoj raspravi jesu: karakter prethodnog autoritarnog režima, uloga vojske, tip opozicije i vlasti, obrasci interakcije opozicije i vlasti, obrasci tranzicije u demokraciju. Uz te varijable, analiza obuhvaća i kolonijalno razdoblje koje je bitno zato što pokazuje jesu li te zemlje imale neko prethodno demokratsko iskustvo, je li ono imalo neki utjecaj na kasniju demokratizaciju, kakve su političke elite nastale u tom razdoblju i, konzekventno, kakav su oblik autoritarnog sustava kasnije izgradile. Iz analize proizlazi zaključak da je glavna hipoteza potvrđena. Tunis je bio "mekši" autoritarni režim, što je omogućilo suradnju starih i novih elita koja je rezultirala političkim dogovorom, a time i uspješnom demokratskom tranzicijom. U Egiptu i Alžiru je sukob starih i novih elita onemogućio uspješnu demokratizaciju. ; The main question this thesis tries to provide an answer to is why democratic transformation was successful in Tunisia, but not in Egypt and Algeria. The research approach is primarily rooted in descriptive-empirical actor theories, although culturalist theories were used as well, as to better understand the political ideas and stances of Islamist actors. The research strategy is a focused comparative three-case-study – comprising Tunisia, Egypt, and Algeria – i.e. an intra-regional comparative study since these countries belong to the subregion of North Africa, which is a subsystem of the Middle Eastern region. The comparative study has different outcomes on the dependent variable, in order to avoid unnatural selection bias and achieve a quasi-experimental effect. The proposed hypothesis claims that Tunisia had a softer civilian authoritarian regime which permitted interaction and cooperation of opposition and regime elites, which resulted in a political agreement and, subsequently, a successful democratic transition. In the cases of Egypt and Algeria, the interaction of opposition and regime elites primarily took the form of conflict, with a lack of a political agreement, and thus democratic transition. The independent variables which were isolated in the theoretical discussion were the following: the character of the previous authoritarian regime, the role of the army, opposition and government type, patterns of opposition-government interaction, patterns of transition to democracy. In addition, the analysis encompasses the colonial period as well, which is important because it demonstrates whether these countries had the previous democratic experience, whether it had some influence on later democratization, what kinds of political elites emerged in that period and, consequently, what form of an authoritarian regime they later established. The analysis provides the conclusion that the main hypothesis was confirmed. Tunisia was a "softer" authoritarian regime, which had enabled the cooperation of old and new elites, which resulted in a political agreement, and thus a successful democratic transition. In Egypt and Algeria, the conflict of old and new elites prevented successful democratization.

Magistrsko delo predstavlja tematiko večnivojskega upravljanja in sodelovanja na primeru Slovenije in migrantske krize na Zahodni balkanski poti. Namen dela je ugotoviti, ali je bilo večnivojsko upravljanje na primeru kriznega menedžmenta uspešno ter kaj je pripeljalo do njegove uspešnosti oziroma neuspešnosti. Delo temelji na kvalitativni metodologiji študije primera. V prvem delu s deskriptivno metodo opredeli splošno razvitost večnivojskega upravljanja, v drugem delu pa z analizo virov preuči področje skozi primer največje migrantske krize. Na primeru Slovenije kot preučevanega nacionalnega nivoja s komparativno metodo prikaže pomanjkljivosti sodelovanja z nivoji. Na pomanjkljivostih, ki se skozi raziskovanje prikažejo, delo poda predloge za izboljšanje in reševanje podobnih problematik v prihodnosti. Magistrsko delo prikaže, da večnivojsko upravljanje na omenjenem primeru ni bilo uspešno, saj je bila smer sprejemanja odločitev večinoma usmerjena od zgoraj navzdol, kar je otežilo vključevanje podnacionalnega nivoja v odločevalski proces. Slaba praksa obvladovanja migrantske krize je imela posledice na širši ravni, saj je na eni strani določene postopke reševanja krize otežila in podaljšala, na drugi pa nečela dvom o skupnosti in njenih temeljnih vrednotah. Uporabnost dela se kaže tako na praktični kot na znanstveni ravni. Pri praktični ravni se ta kaže kot pomoč vključenim akterjem na različnih nivojih pri reševanju kriz velikega obsega, pri znanstveni ravni pa pri izbiri tematike ter pri izbiri aktualnega primera. Tematika kot taka je v slovenski znanosti še dokaj neomenjena in neraziskana, podobno velja za področje migrantske krize, ki se s svojo veličino ne bo umirila še nekaj časa. ; This master's thesis presents the topic of multilevel governance and cooperation on the example of Slovenia and the migrant crisis on the Western Balkans route. The purpose of the work is to determine whether the multilevel governance of the crisis management was successful and what led to its success or failure. The research is based on qualitative case study methodology. In the first part, the descriptive method defines the general development of multilevel governance, while in the second part, the analysis examines the field on the basis of the biggest migrant crisis since World War II. Comparative method shows deficiencies on the national level in cooperation with other levels on the example of Slovenia. On the shortcomings that appear during the research, the master's thesis presents suggestions for improving and resolving similar problems in the future. The research shows that the multilevel governance in this case was not successful, since the direction of decision-making was mainly directed from the top down and the subnational level was thus poorly involved in decision-making along with the national level. Bad practice has had a negative impact on the entire crisis, resulting on one hand certain procedures being more difficult and lengthier than they should be and on the other, started the doubt of the union as a whole and its basic values. This research is useful on a practical and on a scientific level. On a practical level it is seen as a helpful tool for crisis management to all the actors involved and on the scientific level the usefulness is seen through the choice of topic as well as through the choice of the current case from practice on the basis of which the study was conducted. The subject as such is still fairly unspecified and unexplored on scientific grounds in Slovenia, similarly to the area of the migrant crisis that, due to its extent, will not settle for quite some time.