Suchergebnisse

The 2007 international economic crisis may have begun in capitalism's heartland with credit default swops and sub-prime mortages, nevertheless some of its most dramatic manifestations have been at the edge. In Europe, the peripheral economies of Iceland, Greece and Ireland have manifested crises that have shaken Europe to the core, and generated crisis discourse that may well prove central. Certainly previous talk of crisis seem to have been key to political change processes in the past (Hay, 1996; Mårtenson and Lindhoff, 1998).While there has been some initial analysis of the discursive response to the economic crisis (Hartz, 2010; O'Rourke, 2010) this paper focuses on what some have considered the most conservative of 'frames' through which the crisis has been viewed (Thompson, 2009: 523): enterprise discourse. Furthermore this work concentrates on enterprise discourse in a post-celtic tiger crisis-ridden Ireland. Ireland is an economy, society and culture at the edge. On the one hand Ireland is on the edge of the USA /UK model. It is English-speaking, has a common law tradition, an Anglo-American banking model, low corporate tax rates and strong cultural and economic ties with both the USA and the UK. On the other hand, Ireland is also on the edge of mainland Europe with its membership of the Euro, its social Partnership model of labour relations until 2009, its early adoption of European Labour rights, generally pro-European stance and its historic cultural and economic ties to the continent. Enterprise discourse in Ireland is influenced by both USA/UK and European Union (EU) developments. However, Irish enterprise discourse is not merely a 'local adoption'. For example, during the 'Celtic Tiger' period (1987-2007), high Irish economic growth rates have coincided with the development of the EU's enterprise policy, thus giving the impression that Ireland could serve as a model of development. Since the crisis Ireland, numbered among the 'PIGS' (Totaro, 2010) or 'GIPSY' club (Gros, 2010), has been represented both as a model victim of free-market fundamentalism (Krugman, 2010) and as a model of how public expenditure should be drastically cut (Halligan, 2010; Tett, 2010). Thus an examination of enterprise discourse in Ireland is of concern to more than residents of Ireland. References Gros, D. 2010. Adjustment Difficulties in the GIPSY Club. http://ssrn.com/paper=1604568 (accessed 03 January, 2011). Halligan, L. 2010. Servicing our debt is tough now, but it's only going to get tougher. http://www.telegraph.co.uk/finance/comment/7870200/Servicing-our-debt-is-tough-now-but-its-only-going-to-get-tougher.html (accessed 4 July 2010). Hartz, R. 2010. Crisis, what Crisis? A reconstruction of the discursive formation of the economic crisis in Germany. In: Reed , C. , Keenoy, T. ,Oswick, C., Sabelis, I., and Ybema, S.: Organizational Discourse: Crisis, Corruption, Character and Change, London: KMCP, pp. 98-99. Hay, C. 1996. Narrating Crisis: The Discursive Construction of the `Winter of Discontent'. Sociology, 30(2), 253-277. Krugman, P. 2010. An Irish Mirror. http://www.nytimes.com/2010/03/08/opinion/08krugman.html (accessed 8 July 2010) Mårtenson, B. and Lindhoff, H. 1998. State, Market, Crisis: Swedish News Journalism on the Economy. Nordicom Review 19(1), 85-100. O'Rourke, B. K. 2010. Discourse at the Edge: Enterprise Discourse in Ireland. In: Reed , C. , Keenoy, T. ,Oswick, C., Sabelis, I., and Ybema, S.: Organizational Discourse: Crisis, Corruption, Character and Change, London: KMCP, pp. 167-168. Tett, G. 2010. Irish treat pain of crisis like a hangover, Financial Times. London. http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/a819bfc8-5d27-11df-8373-00144feab49a.html#axzz19iBXdWFG (accessed 31 September 2010) Thompson, G. 2009. What's in the frame? How the financial crisis is being packaged for public consumption. Economy and Society, 38(3), 520-524. Totaro, L. 2010. The 'I' in 'Pigs' Stands for Ireland, Not Italy (Update2); http://www.businessweek.com/news/2010-02-05/the-i-in-pigs-is-ireland-not-italy-unicredit-report-says.html (accessed 29 June, 2010)

t. 1. Questions sociales.--t. 2-3. Discours politiques. ; Mode of access: Internet.

On distingue habituellement dans la communication deux types d'information: le contenu primaire ou linguistique, et le secondaire, appelé expression. C'est ce dernier qui fait l'objet d'étude de la phonostylistique actuelle. Cette discipline essaie de confirmer l'existence de phonostyles, selon des critères géographiques, sociales et culturels entre autres. Elle analyse les formes phoniques d'expressivité utilisées dans l'acte de parole et les impressions qu'elles produisent sur l'auditeur. La phonostylistique traditionnelle étudiait essentiellement le discours littéraire, la mise en parole de ce qui avait été déjà écrit et formalisé, en négligeant le discours spontané. De nos jours, le champ d'étude de cette discipline s'est élargi grâce à l'avènement de l'analyse du discours et elle s'occupe donc de l'oral spontané aussi bien que du style oralisé, c'est-à-dire que le type de discours utilisé pour l'analyse va au-delà du littéraire. Le matériel phonique étudié est alors devenu éclectique et appartient à de différents types de discours: radiophonique, politique, des snobs, des jeunes, d'une profession spécifique, etc. L'objectif de ce travail est d'intégrer et d'appliquer les connaissances acquises pendant les cours de Phonétique et phonologie française I et Phonétique et phonologie française II afin de réaliser une analyse du phonostyle de Manuel Valls, ancien Premier ministre de France, en tant qu'homme politique, et de souligner l'influence du contexte social et de l'image qu'il veut transmettre de lui-même sur sa production phonique. ; Trabajo publicado en Caldiz, A. y Rafaelli, V. (coords.) (2020). Exploraciones fonolingüísticas. V Jornadas Internacionales de Fonética y Fonología y I Jornadas Nacionales de Fonética y Discurso . ; Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación

Intro -- Title -- Contents -- Book I. -- Preface -- I. Of the Beginnings of Cities in General, and in Particular of that of Rome -- II. Of the Various Kinds of Government -- And to Which of Them the Roman Commonwealth Belonged -- III. Of the Accients Which Led in Rome to the Creation of Tribunes of the People -- Whereby the Republic Was Made More Perfect -- IV. That the Dissensions Between the Senate and Commons of Rome, Made Rome Free and Powerful -- V. Whether the Guardianship of Public Freedom Is Safer in the Hands of the Commons or of the Nobles -- And Whether Those Who Seek to Acquire Power or They Who Seek to Maintain It Are the Greater Cause of Commotions -- VI. Whether It Was Possible in Rome to Contrive Such a Government As Would Have Composed the Differences Between the Commons and the Senate -- VII. That to Preserve Liberty in a state There Must Exist the Right to Accuse -- VIII. That Calumny Is As Hurtful in a Commonwealth as the Power to Accuse Is Useful -- IX. That to Give New Institutons to a Commonwealth, or to Reconstruct Old Institutions on an Entirely New Basis, Must Be the Work of One Man -- X. That in Proportion As the Founder of a Kingdom or Commonwealth Merits Praise, He Who Founds a Tyranny Deserves Blame -- XI. Of the Religion of the Romans -- XII. That It Is of Much Moment to Make Account of Religion -- and that Italy, Through the Roman Church, Being Wanting Therein, Has Been Ruined -- XIII. Of the Use the Romans Made of Religion in Giving Institutions to Their City, in Carrying Out Their Enterprises, and in Quelling Tumults -- XIV. That the Romans Interpreted the Auspices To Meet the Occasion -- And Made a Prudent Show of Observing the Rites of Religion Even When Forced to Disregard Them -- And Any Who Rashly Slighted Religion They Punished.