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Introduction: Damage to the motor control centres of the developing brain causes cerebral palsy (CP), which can occur during pregnancy, childbirth, or after delivery. Objective: To study the associated risk factor low birth weight for spastic CP in a retrospective study involving children with CP. Materials and methods: The study population included 187 children with CP. Data was collected from the medical records and from the parents of affected 187 Cerebral palsy children attended / admitted during the period from 2014 to 2020 in Rani Chandramani Devi Government hospital and Rehabilitation centre, PedaWaltair, Visakhapatnam, Andhra Pradesh and analysed retrospectively. The analysis of data from the case records included the following: new born gestational age, mother's age, gender, birth weight, maternal health factors, CP child order in the family. Results: Cerebral palsy was seen more in males 122 (65.24%) than females. Taking 2500 grams is the average weight of a normal baby in our Indian set up, 187 Cerebral palsy children are below 2500 g. Out of 187 babies, 115 are of Low Birth Weight (LBW) with weight ranging from 2500 g to 1501 g,55 very low birth weight (VLBW) weight ranging from 1500 g to 1001 g, and 17 were extremely low birth weight (ELBW) weight ranging below 1000 g. Among the total 187 low birth weight babies, 62 are Pre term and 125 are full term born. The maternal co-morbid factors anaemia 68 (36.36%) plays a major role in the present study. Gestational age is one of the major factor responsible for CP in children of low birth weight. More CP cases were seen in pre-term gestational age 28 weeks 23 (12.29%). Conclusion: Using recent advances in diagnostic modalities for detecting any deviations in the growing foetus and mother's health, appropriate and early interventions for problems that are treatable should prevent low birth weight and its serious consequences in the immediate or future neurodevelopmental status of the born child.

We present a simple microeconomic behavioral model showing that decreases in the price of energy‐dense foods increase body weight if the price of obtaining a calorie from dense food is lower than that of less dense food. Estimates of the determinants of adolescent BMI suggest that the price of high‐density food is negatively related to BMI whereas the price of low density food is positively related. Restaurant availability is not associated with weight, but increases in supermarket density predict lower weight. Quantile regressions show that most of the changes in body weight occur in the top quintile of the conditional distribution of BMI.

We examined the impact of job applicant body weight on employability ratings via the mediators of obesity and physical attractiveness stereotypes, organizational costs, and rational bias. The moderating effect of job type was also examined. A sample of 202 (75% female) university students
assessed a job applicant on the basis of a résumé which was accompanied by a photograph (overweight vs. average weight) and a position description (face-to-face vs. telephone sales). Results revealed that the overweight applicant was rated significantly higher on the obesity
stereotype, significantly lower on the physical attractiveness stereotype, and as significantly less employable. Stereotypes failed to mediate between applicant weight and employability, and rational bias only was found to be a significant mediator. There was no significant interaction between
applicant weight and job type when the mediators were controlled. Our findings in this study underscore the importance of examining multiple pathways from applicant weight to employment-related weight discrimination.

ObjectiveIdentify mothers' perceptions of how they talk about weight and body shape with their children and examine how approaches vary by mother and child characteristics.BackgroundYouth who report that their parents talk with them about their weight experience poor health. However, very little is known about the content of these conversations.MethodMothers and their 6‐ to 11‐year‐old children (N = 188 dyads) participated in a mixed‐methods study. Themes in mothers' responses to the interview question "How do you talk to your child about weight or body shape?" were identified, and latent class analysis was used to characterize patterns of weight and shape talk.ResultsSeven themes of weight and shape talk were identified, including talking about "Healthy Habits" (39.9%), "Avoids Weight and Body Talk" (21.8%), and tells "Cautionary Tales" (18.6%). Three patterns emerged from themes: talk to promote health, avoid talking about weight and shape, and talk to build children's self‐esteem. Mothers of children with obesity were more likely to talk to promote health versus other patterns.ConclusionThe content of family conversations about weight and shape is diverse.Implications for Emerging IdeasFuture research is needed to understand the impacts of specific ways parents talk about weight and shape.

AbstractThis article evaluates the contributions of birth status (defined by gestational age and birthweight) and family adversity at birth and at age 7 to explaining behavior problems at age 7. The behaviors of 96 extremely preterm and very low birth‐weight children and 66 full‐term children were assessed in a school setting by peers, teachers and parents. The results show that a significant relationship exists between birth status and isolation and social withdrawal problems as well as between birth status and social immaturity and inattention problems. Family adversity at birth has a significant contribution to aggressive behaviors reported by the three sources whereas, at age 7, this index is associated only with aggressive behaviors and social immaturity problems reported by parents. In conclusion, the results of the present study qualify the findings of studies that suggest that at school age, the effect of prematurity decreases and that behavior problems are explained chiefly by family environment characteristics. Our results indicate that the findings must take into account the cohort studied, the environmental measures used, the type of behaviors assessed as well as the type of informants.

The worldwide rise in body weight has reached epidemic proportions and this has serious public health consequences. Despite the universal recognition of this problem, its causes are still debated: some attribute it to excess caloric intake; others blame a lack of physical activity (PA); some implicate specific changes to micro- and macro-nutrients. During the past century, government health agencies have developed guidance on healthy eating. These, along with advances in agriculture and food manufacturing, have largely eliminated nutrient deficiencies and helped reduce the consumption of fat. Over the past 60 years, however, technological advances and shifts in the types of occupations prominent in industrialised as well as developing countries have resulted in well-documented decreases in energy expenditure. Energy intake must be balanced with energy expenditure in order to prevent weight gain, and there is increasing evidence that this balance must be at a relatively high level of energy flux. A programme that was started in São Paulo in 1996 known as 'Agita' has sought to motivate populations to engage in small amounts of physical exercise daily to tackle growing obesity levels. This multi-agency initiative is one example of how to successfully increase exercise within a community and scale both within (e.g. all states in Brazil) and across many nations. Reducing caloric intake in whole populations is challenging especially at relatively low levels of energy expenditure, and evidence suggests that there is a critical energy flux threshold for regulating intake to achieve energy balance. Increasing PA, however, may be more achievable than reducing intake. Activity raises caloric expenditure and can offset excess intake. The implementation of programmes to achieve greater PA is therefore vital if the worldwide rise in body weight is to be halted, while we also need to implement programmes to help people eat smarter.

In the United States black women have for decades been twice as likely as white women to give birth to babies of low birth weight who are at elevated risk for developmental disabilities. Does the black-white disparity in low birth weight contribute to the racial disparity in readiness?

The author summarizes the cognitive and behavioral problems that beset many low birth weight children and notes that not only are the problems greatest for the smallest babies, but black babies are two to three times as likely as whites to be very small. Nevertheless, the racial disparities in low birth weight cannot explain much of the aggregate gap in readiness because the most serious birth weight-related disabilities affect a very small share of children. The author estimates that low birth weight explains at most 3-4 percent of the racial gap in IQ scores.

The author applauds the post-1980 expansions of Medicaid for increasing rates of prenatal care use among poor pregnant women but stresses that standard prenatal medical care cannot improve aggregate birth outcomes substantially. Smoking cessation and nutrition are two prenatal interventions that show promise. Several early intervention programs have been shown to improve cognitive skills of low birth weight children. But even the most promising programs can narrow the readiness gap only a little because their benefits are greatest for heavier low birth weight children and because low birth weight explains only a small share of the gap.

The author stresses the importance of reducing rates of low birth weight generally and of extending to all children who need them the interventions that have improved cognitive outcomes among low birth weight children. But because black infants are more likely to be born at the lowest birth weights, preventing low birth weight—when researchers learn how to—is likely to be more effective than early intervention in narrowing birth weight-related racial gaps in school readiness.

Military training in extreme environments increases weight loss risk, which could affect soldiers' performance. This study aimed to assess daily energy intake and requirements of Canadian Armed Forces soldiers consuming combat rations over an 8-week Arctic training and document impact on weight and body composition. Fourteen soldiers participated (males; 31.3±5.5 years). Body weight and composition were measured at different training time-points. Energy intake was measured using food diaries. Energy requirements were estimated using a predictive equation developed for the military. Fourteen soldiers participated. Weight loss was measured (3.9±3.0 kg) for 12 participants from beginning to mid-training after a week consuming combat rations. Energy intake on rations was lower than estimated daily energy requirements and resulted in energy deficits (49.8±19.2%). No body composition changes were measured. More research is needed to explore ways to make rations better adapted to reduce energy deficit and maintain soldiers' body weight in extremely cold environments.