Suchergebnisse

Due to prioritizing Machiavellian power-craving aspirations over the inner voice of conscience, the majority of Shakespeare's rulers from the history plays suffers from the tragic 'dissociation of -sensibility' (Eliot 1921: 64, 66). Since the process of giving priority to public obligations instead to private inclinations is easily detected in the contemporary political scene, especially in the form of the imposed choice between legalism and morality, valuable ideas of the 20th century humanist critics (Kantorowicz, Rubenstein, Bauman, -Eliade, Hamvas) are problematized in the paper. Their contemporary insights have been combined with the humanist philosophical and ethic tradition in the works of Ovid, Ficino, Mirandola, Bruno, More. The Renaissance spokesperson of this humanist tradition was Shakespeare; through the chronological survey of his history plays, the paper aims at revealing the author's criticism of the dominant Tudor ideology and neccessity for its subversion. Thus, the attitude presented by the representatives of the new historicist critical school, particularly Stephen Greenblatt, that the renaissance social institutions shaped, restricted and controlled an individual's conduct, whereby every attempt at subverting the dominant system was doomed to failure, is strongly criticized. The importance of 'the -historical sense' (Eliot 1963: 34), the concept relying on the permanent bond between the past and present, for the sake of creating a more humane future, has been recognized in Shakespeare's history plays, apart from the already mentioned 20th century humanist thinkers, also by the presentist critics at the beginning of the 21st -century, particularly Hughes Grady and Terence Hawkes (2007), who tirelessly claim, like Jan Kott before them (1990), that Shakespeare is our contemporary.

The article presents the results of cognitive, language-and-cultural and sociolinguistic analysis with the goal to distinguish the markers of regional identity in commemorative names, viewed as heroic ideologemes that help in actualizing ideological and axiological ideas of community. The empirical material, that was collected through upstanding sampling from regional web sites and survey, includes region commemorative names represented by nominations of outstanding people and historical events that took place in Chelyabinsk region. Considering cultural history of the territory, the commemorative names could remain in the regional consciousness for a long time without changing the original content. However, the original forms might either be simplified without losing the heroic sense or in the process of transonymization they might fail to keep it in folk naming, undergo renaming, or disappear from the local language landspace. Deglorification may be presented as complete or partial loss of heroic connotations in commemorative names. Heroic meaning of a toponym or microtoponym is kept on in cases of partial deglorification, though being specified by some positive connotations associated with the attitude of the local people to the commemorative name. Heroic meaning of commemorative nomination is faded out in cases of complete deglorification, thus reflecting ironical or contemptuous attitude of the South Ural people to transformed toponyms or microtoponyms. Commemorative toponyms and microtoponyms demonstrate reference to folk nomination; whereas recurrent usage of the same folk names in the answers to the survey is viewed as a reliable proof that regional place names and minor place names are markers of regional identity in the language consciousness of the South Ural people. The results of the study are supposed to be included in the Dictionary of Chelyabinsk regional lexicon.

Abstract
This research delves into the identity construction and violence justification within the context of far-right lone-actor terrorism, particularly motivated by white supremacist ideologies. Employing a qualitative analysis of manifestos compiled by five lone-actor terrorists, this study adopts a model to unveil the nuanced processes behind the justification of violence and glorification of collective identities. The model has been formed for the purpose of the study, drawing from social identity and identity fusion approaches, including steps such as group alignment, exclusion, threat, virtue, and celebration. The analysis of these manifestos illuminates a progression through each phase of the violent act, meticulously crafted through textual expression. Central to the terrorists' objectives is the creation of a rhetorical platform aimed at fomenting violence against non-white, ethnic, and religious groups. Their motivation arises from the perceived threat of the 'white race' being supplanted by immigrant communities across various social, political, and economic domains. This justification of violence hinges on the portrayal of themselves as protectors of the majority society, pitted against these minority groups. Strikingly, the terrorists celebrate their actions by commemorating past white supremacists who employed violence against marginalised communities.

Despite democratization of the Brazilian political system during the 25 years following the end of military rule, the foundations of Brazil's democracy have to be described as "precarious", contributing to a "disjunctive democracy" (Holston 2008), characterized by networks of corruption and clientelism, state violence and an extremely unjust distribution of and access to wealth and territory. Through a constant rewriting of Brazil's nationhood as an imagined community with a supposedly "racial democracy", the historical roots of this "disjunctive democracy" have been marginalized for a long time. However, the legacy of colonial practices – including the slave trade – can still be perceived today, for example through spatial arrangements tied to a specific form of ethnic segregation. This issue is discussed by social movements but not placed at the heart of public debate, which tends to subsume Brazil's social and spatial inequalities, as well as patterns of segregation, under the issue of public insecurity.

Despite democratization of the Brazilian political system during the 25 years following the end of military rule, the foundations of Brazil's democracy have to be described as "precarious", contributing to a "disjunctive democracy" (Holston 2008), characterized by networks of corruption and clientelism, state violence and an extremely unjust distribution of and access to wealth and territory. Through a constant rewriting of Brazil's nationhood as an imagined community with a supposedly "racial democracy", the historical roots of this "disjunctive democracy" have been marginalized for a long time. However, the legacy of colonial practices – including the slave trade – can still be perceived today, for example through spatial arrangements tied to a specific form of ethnic segregation. This issue is discussed by social movements but not placed at the heart of public debate, which tends to subsume Brazil's social and spatial inequalities, as well as patterns of segregation, under the issue of public insecurity.

The question of the relation(s) between sport and everyday life is a fraught one—ranging from traditional claims that sport is a form of escape from everyday life to the view that sport is a deep part of the ontological conditions of being human. In this analysis, the authors offer an alternative position based on the inspection of actual, everyday discursive materials concerning sport and its management. Although high theory might consider the sports and letters pages of newspapers as trivial texts and, therefore, beneath the scope of serious intellectual reflection, we try to show how the very ordinariness of these materials can furnish a way into the sports/life controversy via their reciprocal involvement in the practical management of moral character.

This article is devoted to the study of the image of the Buddha, manifested in the pages of perhaps the most influential Purana, namely, the Bhagavata Purana, or sim­ply the Bhagavata. The study of this image will allow us to see the points of possible mutual understanding and interaction between Buddhists and Vishnuites (Vaish­navas). This study is limited to the analysis of the first stanza in the Bhagavata Pu­rana that glorifies the Buddha. This stanza is analyzed by various medieval and mod­ern Indian commentators (Sridhara, Madhva, Vallabha, Bhaktisiddhanta Sarasvati, Bhaktiprajnana Kesava, Bhaktivedanta). As a result of the analysis of the text, it was revealed that the first stanza-the glorification of the Buddha from the Bhagavata Pu­rana-has at least four readings, each of which offers variations around the name of the father (or mother) The Buddhas. Bhaktiprajnana's suggestion of two different Bud­dhas, Shakyamuni Buddha and avatara Buddha, who preached at different times, is remarkably interesting, but not obvious. The place of the appearance of the Buddha, indicated in the Bhagavata Purana – Bodh-Gaya, does not coincide with the birth­place of Shakyamuni Buddha, but coincides with the place of his Enlightenment.