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Slurs are words that diminish the worth of members of our groups. The UK broadcast regulator Ofcom has a list of highly offensive terms that it recommends broadcasters not to use. Bangladeshis, Poles, Greeks and lower-class white males remain of low visibility to Ofcom. Four identities that have high visibility in broadcast television were found to show low levels of slurs and Israeli to have a moderate level. British Asian Muslim identity has many pejorative terms, though most are Arabic and not well-known in English. The terms "gonimoter maal" and "gawur" could be considered severe slurs as they have resulted in rape or murder. "Misogyny" is currently used freely by broadcasters. Thorough lexicology here failed to find a credible psychology for "hatred of women" or a credible set of actions. Presumed actions were found to be mass nouns combining threat, non-sentience, pathology, doctrine, quirk, sometimes crime, and sometimes a comparison with harmful chemicals. They remove sentience from the adversary and preclude empathy and dialogue. Ofcom might ask respondents if they consider "misogynist" a slur.

"We live amid countless claims for the importance of identity and an almost equal number of critiques of identity politics. Identity has become the privileged terrain for political struggle in contemporary society. For many on the Left, the turn from class politics to identity politics is something to lament. They argue for a return to a political critique of capitalist economics, which should have a position of primacy, they contend, relative to questions of identity. For conservatives, in contrast, identity politics marks a further radicalization of the Left, a triumph of what they erroneously call Cultural Marxism. Todd McGowan intervenes in these debates by offering as an alternative a new theory of universality that avoids the totalizing vision of previous homogenizing Eurocentric varieties. For McGowan, what unites us is not an ethics or a politics with which we all must agree but instead what we lack as political subjects who under conditions of capitalism cannot fully be who we are. This lack is the foundation of every emancipatory political project. In repositioning the debate between universality and identity in a new register, he shows that the real proponents of identity politics are the right-wing nationalist, ethnic, and religious fundamentalists who unite against their perceived enemies"--

With the intensification of neoliberalism, it is useful to examine how some
individuals might cope with the irrationality of the system. Neoliberalism
cloaks the execution of the corporate agenda behind rhetorical manipulation
that advocates for limited government. The corollary absence of government
involvement on behalf of the citizenry writ large disarms the means of
social redress for the individual. Democracy funded and fueled by corporate
power thereby disenfranchises the individual, provoking some to search for
empowerment through identity politics. The argument set forth suggests that
individuals construct, reinforce, or escalate allegiance to identities as a
coping mechanism, some of which manifest in violent identity politics.

The end of the twentieth century witnessed a resurgence of demands for reparations for slavery and segregation in the United States. At the same time, a chorus of prominent political theorists warned against the threat "identity politics" poses for democratic politics. This essay considers whether it is possible to construct an argument for reparations that responds to these concerns, particularly as they are articulated by Wendy Brown. To do so, I explore how Brown's analysis of the dangers of political organizing around"wounded identities" and of appealing to the state for redress might inform and be informed by arguments for black reparations.

Over one-third of humanity lives under populist regimes—and many of those regimes are turning increasingly authoritarian. It is a worldwide challenge to liberal democracy. The conventional wisdom is that bad economics is to blame: the losers from globalization are angry and voting populists into office is their revenge. The policy implication is a kind of technocratic fantasy: fix the economy and populism will fade away. That view has weak empirical foundations, since many emerging countries that are clear winners from globalization have recently elected populists. In this essay I argue that we cannot understand the surge in populism without understanding the rise of identity politics around the world. Identity is the intermediate stopover in the two-way feedback between economics and politics. A focus on identity politics has important practical implications. One of them is that, to succeed in the fight against populism, democratic politicians have to learn to practice identity politics, but of the right kind. The challenge is to build national identities based not on nativism or xenophobia, but on liberal democratic values.

India's Northeast has long been risen by protracted armed conflicts for secession and movements for other forms of autonomy. India's Northeast, the confederation of eight states (i.e, Assam, Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland, Sikkim and Tripura) is home to around 200 indigenous communities. All these communities struggle for recognition by the Indian government and have their own respective struggle for identity. This paper examines how various brands of identity politics since the colonial days have served to create the basis of exclusion of groups, resulting in various forms of rifts, often envisaged in binary terms, majority-minority, sons of the soil-immigrant, local outsiders, tribal-non-tribal, hills, plains, inter tribal and intra-tribal.

This article is a study of the process of the rise of Riau Malay Identity Politics when it was previously marginalized in the New Order era. The purpose of this article is to look at the stages in the formation of identity politics in restoring the glory of Malay culture in Riau province. This research is descriptive-explorative library research that explains and explores ideas about Riau Malay identity politics by answering questions in problems identified based on reading results and data interpretation related to the research theme. The results showed that after the reforms, the political elite of the Riau Province government tried to strengthen Malay identity with a variety of policies that were disseminated. Then, the negative views that were often directed towards ethnic Malay in the past, were rectified again by giving Islamic values to all the lives of the Malay people. Furthermore, the Local Government and the Riau Malay Customary Institution try to re-socialize the importance of the use of Malay as the origin of Indonesian.