Internet users using digital diplomacy techniques can generate state soft power on social networks through the promotion of traditional power resources – culture, values and behaviour. In this way, the digital dissemination of information by states becomes an instrument of their power policy. This article analyses the concept of digital diplomacy, the transformation of its characteristics and activities in the digital space. The text examines the interaction between digital diplomacy and soft power, also focuses on the European Union's digital diplomacy, which has become an important part of the EU's foreign policy. Due to the novelty of the topic and the lack of research in the public discourse, the article is relevant to research in order to find out what digital diplomacy methods the EU institutions, diplomats, individual Internet users are and how it forms the European information geopolitics.KEY WORDS: EU, digital diplomacy, social networks, soft power, propaganda.DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.15181/tbb.v79i3.1894
Noise is one of the most common adverse environmental factors. Military bases and airports and the areas surrounding them are affected by acoustic impact. The problem of military noise is researched in this article. Since 2004 Šiauliai Airport has been the site of NATO forces' base in the Baltic States for the protection of the region's airspace. Military aircraft are used for the mission. The Kairiai military grounds on the Curonian Lagoon is the only site in Lithuania where all kinds of military forces may arrange their training. Measurement of the level of noise caused by Šiauliai Airport in residential and public areas of the surrounding areas and by the Kairiai military grounds was carried out using a Nor121 digital sound analyser. It was found that the maximum noise level (Lmax) in the surroundings of Šiauliai Airport sometimes exceeds the permissible maximum noise level specified in HN 33:2007. Exceeding of Lmaxon aircraft flights was short (up to 5 minutes). The calculated level of noise Ldenand Lnightat all points of measurement within the territories surrounding Šiauliai Airport does not exceed the limit values and causes no damage to the health of the population in Šiauliai. The noise generated by shooting at Kairiai military grounds causes no damage to the health of residents. Santrauka Vienas iš plačiausiai paplitusių kenksmingų aplinkos veiksnių yra triukšmas. Akustinį poveikį patiria karinių poligonų ir aerodromų aplinka. Šiame straipsnyje nagrinėjama karinio triukšmo problema. Nuo 2004 m. Šiaulių oro uostas tapo Baltijos šalių NATO pajėgų dislokacijos vieta, iš kurios vykdoma Baltijos šalių oro apsauga. Šiai apsaugai atlikti naudojami kariniai lėktuvai. Prie Kuršių marių įsikūręs Kairių poligonas yra vienintelis Lietuvoje, kuriame gali treniruotis visų rūšių karinės pajėgos. Šiaulių oro uosto triukšmo matavimai aplinkinių teritorijų gyvenamojoje ir viešosios paskirties aplinkoje bei Kairių poligone atlikti skaitmeniniu garso analizatoriumi Nr. 121. Nustatyta, kad maksimalus triukšmo lygis (Lmax) Šiaulių oro uosto aplinkoje kartais viršija leistinąjį maksimalų triukšmo lygį pagal HN 33:2007.Lmaxviršijimai, siejami su orlaivių skrydžiais, buvo trumpalaikiai (iki 5 min.). Apskaičiuoti dienos, vakaro, nakties triukšmo lygisLdvnir nakties triukšmo rodiklisLnaktiesneviršija ribinių triukšmo dydžių, Šiaulių miesto gyventojų sveikatai grėsmės nekelia. Kairių poligone šaudymo pratybų keliamas triukšmas gyventojų sveikatai grėsmės nekelia. First published online: 22 May 2011 Reikšminiai žodžiai:triukšmo lygis,lauko pratybos,karinės teritorijos,poveikis aplinkai
Abandoned military sites is an important issue in whole Eastern Europe as after the Cold War here many military objects have been desolated. The conversion of these sites is studied in the master thesis. The paper consists of an introduction, 3 chapters, conclusions and annexes. In the first chapter the publications of European conversion organisations and USA department of defence are researched besides the other relevant documents related to XIXth–XXth c. military sites value, touristic potential, possibilities for conversion, conversion actors, management structure, financing mechanisms, specific marketing strategies, supporting organisations and conversion models. In the second chapter the information is colligated and accessed and a new model for a supporting conversion database is formed. In the third chapter the Additive Ratio Assessment (Aras) Method in Multicriteria Decision-Making is applied to compare 29 realised conversion projects. Paper has 129 pages (annexes included), 36 pictures, 31 tables, 97 bibliographical sources, 3 annexes.
Abandoned military sites is an important issue in whole Eastern Europe as after the Cold War here many military objects have been desolated. The conversion of these sites is studied in the master thesis. The paper consists of an introduction, 3 chapters, conclusions and annexes. In the first chapter the publications of European conversion organisations and USA department of defence are researched besides the other relevant documents related to XIXth–XXth c. military sites value, touristic potential, possibilities for conversion, conversion actors, management structure, financing mechanisms, specific marketing strategies, supporting organisations and conversion models. In the second chapter the information is colligated and accessed and a new model for a supporting conversion database is formed. In the third chapter the Additive Ratio Assessment (Aras) Method in Multicriteria Decision-Making is applied to compare 29 realised conversion projects. Paper has 129 pages (annexes included), 36 pictures, 31 tables, 97 bibliographical sources, 3 annexes.
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Westphalian international system rests on the fundamental premise of state sovereignty, which also implies state monopoly over the means of organised violence. However, since the end of the Cold War, the notion that only the state is capable of fielding a warfighting capability has been challenged by the phenomenon of Private Military Companies (PMCs). PMCs became rather visible actors in the contemporary conflicts and also an important component in the overall military capability of the leading military powers, such as the United States or United Kingdom. The question arises as to what extent the growth of private military industry advances a more general tendency towards privatisation of security function of the state and erodes its monopoly of military force. The study seeks to investigate the consequences of the rise of PMCs to international and national defence systems through the analysis of historical, legal and strategic aspects of the activities of PMCs. It draws a distinction between the historical concept of mercenaries and contemporary understanding of private military industry and discusses the range of defence and security functions that this industry performs. Having demonstrated the strategic rationale for employing PMCs in providing consulting, training, combat support and combat service support services, or even actual warfighting capability, the study looks into the legal problems associated with the activities of the PMCs. It shows how various attempts to regulate this industry nationally and internationally are made and how this affects the PMCs. Moral and democratic accountability arguments are brought forward in this context. The paper also looks at the new opportunities which arouse for the PMCs in the post-September 11 strategic environment. Despite lucrative contracts stemming from the military involvement of the US and its allies in Iraq or Afghanistan, there are also significant disadvantages of employing the PMCs in conflict zones, which the study also addresses. The paper concludes that, despite significant benefits derived from using the PMCs to bolster national and coalition military capabilities, their inherent functional drawbacks, concerns of the states about their sovereign authority and monopoly of military force as well as limited market opportunities outside major military powers, the US and the UK, will put significant constraints on the future role of PMCs in international relations and on their potential to further privatise security functions of the state.
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Westphalian international system rests on the fundamental premise of state sovereignty, which also implies state monopoly over the means of organised violence. However, since the end of the Cold War, the notion that only the state is capable of fielding a warfighting capability has been challenged by the phenomenon of Private Military Companies (PMCs). PMCs became rather visible actors in the contemporary conflicts and also an important component in the overall military capability of the leading military powers, such as the United States or United Kingdom. The question arises as to what extent the growth of private military industry advances a more general tendency towards privatisation of security function of the state and erodes its monopoly of military force. The study seeks to investigate the consequences of the rise of PMCs to international and national defence systems through the analysis of historical, legal and strategic aspects of the activities of PMCs. It draws a distinction between the historical concept of mercenaries and contemporary understanding of private military industry and discusses the range of defence and security functions that this industry performs. Having demonstrated the strategic rationale for employing PMCs in providing consulting, training, combat support and combat service support services, or even actual warfighting capability, the study looks into the legal problems associated with the activities of the PMCs. It shows how various attempts to regulate this industry nationally and internationally are made and how this affects the PMCs. Moral and democratic accountability arguments are brought forward in this context. The paper also looks at the new opportunities which arouse for the PMCs in the post-September 11 strategic environment. Despite lucrative contracts stemming from the military involvement of the US and its allies in Iraq or Afghanistan, there are also significant disadvantages of employing the PMCs in conflict zones, which the study also addresses. The paper concludes that, despite significant benefits derived from using the PMCs to bolster national and coalition military capabilities, their inherent functional drawbacks, concerns of the states about their sovereign authority and monopoly of military force as well as limited market opportunities outside major military powers, the US and the UK, will put significant constraints on the future role of PMCs in international relations and on their potential to further privatise security functions of the state.
Šiame straipsnyje, pagrįstame galios lauko samprata, naudojant lyginamąjį metodą, pateikiama dėl europeizacijos kintanti nacionalinių sprendimų priėmimo struktūra (mažėjantis netiesioginis pasitikėjimas nacionalinėmis vyriausybėmis). Lygia greta analizuojamas atskirų elito dalių ir šalies gyventojų pasitikėjimas nacionaline valdžia (pasaulinės ekonominės krizės atveju, 2009 m.) ir išryškinamas žiniasklaidos elito (ne)pasitikėjimo parlamentu ir vyriausybe paradoksas Lietuvoje, šį reiškinį lyginant su Vokietijos ir Vengrijos atvejais. Atskleidžiama, kaip atskirų elito dalių įtakos nacionalinių sprendimų priėmimo struktūroje samprata tarp kitų galios lauko žaidėjų priklauso nuo nacionalinio lygmens veiksnių.
Jėgos ir galios diferenciacija nagrinėta ne vieno autoriaus. Anot H. Arendt, jėga pasireiškia savęs eksponavimu ir save palaiko nuolat rodydamasi ir sukeldama baimę. Galia, atvirkščiai, slepiasi. Galia – išmintingųjų pastangos, leidžiančios neeikvoti energijos kovai, kontrolei ir griovimui, o telkiančios visuomenės narius bendradarbiauti, dalytis savo pasiekimais ir skirti energiją kūrybai ir gyvenimui tobulinti. Straipsnyje pateikiama jėgos ir galios skirtumo raiška per kokybinio tyrimo apie socialinio darbuotojo vaidmenį bendruomenėje analizę. Išlikimo visuomenėje susiformavę socialiniai darbuotojai ir klientai sunkiai skiria jėgą nuo galios. Galios prigimtis socialinė, neatsiejama nuo pasitikėjimo santykio formavimo. Socialinis darbas, grindžiamas jėga, bet ne galia ir įgalinimu, neatitinka savo esmės.
The main objectives of the master thesis are to analyses the real state power of China and to compare it to the image that China's power has in the international arena. The first Chapter defines the concept of state power and it's components as well as the problems of the calculation of the state power. The second Chapter carries out the calculations of the real China's state power and it's evolution in the twenty-first century and also it provides information what image the US and Russian people have on the state power of China. Also in the same Chapter information is provided on how China views their power and how they position themselves in the world.
The main objectives of the master thesis are to analyses the real state power of China and to compare it to the image that China's power has in the international arena. The first Chapter defines the concept of state power and it's components as well as the problems of the calculation of the state power. The second Chapter carries out the calculations of the real China's state power and it's evolution in the twenty-first century and also it provides information what image the US and Russian people have on the state power of China. Also in the same Chapter information is provided on how China views their power and how they position themselves in the world.
Don Juan, one of the most popular cultural figures in the Western civilization, has deserved the attention of philosophers relatively recently. Postmodern and post-structuralist reflections on the issues related to the character of Don Juan refer to the figure as a ready-made construct whose implications and meanings are well-established. It indicates that the Don Juan figure represents a certain cultural phenomenon in social (and philosophical) consciousness. That image is an instrument of reflection on the social perception of human sexuality in general, and attempts to systematize and govern it in particular. The article suggests a reading of the Don Juan figure within the frames of Michel Foucault's theory of power claiming that the meaning of the character of Don Juan lies in its power-based relations with his environment. Seen in the Foucauldian light, Don Juan is an instrument of the system of surveillance over the 'law of marriage', to quote Foucault; he is the one who disobeys the discipline of the social system, and seems to have the privilege of being exempt from its requirements. The analysis of the three power-based relations (Don Juan's domination over the society, over the women whom he violates, and over his own discourse) leads to the conclusion that Don Juan is a political power-figure, because he acts as an instrument of surveillance over the social male-female relationship. Yet the story of Don Juan also raises the problem of an individual against an authority, and the limits of a system as opposed to individual freedom. Along with being an 'irritator', a certain 'tester' of the limits of the social tolerance to individual violations of the accepted moral laws, Don Juan becomes the symbolical figure that embodies the inherent human need to transgress the accepted norms, to explore the limits of freedom. Don Juan's seduction becomes an invitation to partake of his liberty, to spend a moment in an unrestricted existence, in the primeval freedom of self-enjoyment. At the same time, however, the seduction process performed by Don Juan launches the inner censorship, or the inner surveillance apparatus of every individual – the female victim, her male protector (father, brother or any other), other members of the Don Juan's society, as well as male and female members of his audience (i.e. the spectators, or the readers). That is, the article suggests, the power message that the Don Juan figure broadcasts to the culture it acts in. ; Don Žuanas – viena populiariausių kultūrinių Vakarų civilizacijos figūrų, tačiau filosofų dėmesio sulaukė palyginti neseniai. Postmodernistai ir poststruktūralistai nagrinėja Don Žuaną kaip susiformavusį konstruktą su nusistovėjusiomis reikšmėmis ir potekstėmis. Don Žuanas kaip figūra atskleidžia tam tikrą kultūrinį reiškinį socialinėje (ir filosofinėje) sąmonėje. Šis reiškinys veikia kaip mąstymo apie socialinę seksualumo sampratą ir konkrečius bandymus jį sistematizuoti bei valdyti įrankis. Straipsnyje Don Žuanas tyrinėjamas remiantis Michelio Foucault galios teorija, manoma, kad Don Žuano reikšmė slypi galia grįstuose jo santykiuose su aplinka. Analizuojant šiuos dominavimu pagrįstus santykius – Don Žuano dominavimas visuomenėje, santykiuose su moterimis ir jo paties diskurso atžvilgiu – siekiama ištirti reguliavimo metodus, kuriuos visuomenė taiko savo narių seksualumui ir asmens laisvės riboms apibrėžti. Straipsnyje prieinama prie išvados, kad Don Žuanas yra politinė galios figūra, nes jis veikia kaip socialinės vyrų ir moterų santykių priežiūros įrankis. Suvedžiodamas Don Žuanas paskatina įsijungti kiekvieno asmens vidinį 'priežiūros' įtaisą: tiek moters aukos, tiek jos gynėjo vyro (tėvo, brolio ar kito), tiek kitų visuomenės narių, tiek vyriškos bei moteriškos lyties auditorijos, t. y. žiūrovų arba skaitytojų. Tai, straipsnio teigimu, ir yra Don Žuano galios žinia (angl. power message), perduodama kultūrai, kurioje jis veikia.
