Suchergebnisse

Si l'on trouve facilement des estimations de l'espérance de vie individuelle, ce n'est pas le cas des estimations pour le couple. L'absence de ces estimations peut être préjudiciable aux couples qui prennent ensemble des décisions importantes concernant notamment la retraite, l'épargne et d'autres considérations qui viennent avec l'âge. De plus, l'utilisation des mesures disponibles pour les individus peut conduire à des erreurs, car cela produit une surestimation du nombre d'années que le couple peut s'attendre à vivre ensemble (espérance de vie commune) et une sous-estimation du nombre d'années que la personne veuve peut s'attendre à survivre à son conjoint ou à sa conjointe (espérance de vie du conjoint survivant ou de la conjointe survivante). Dans cet article, nous utilisons les données de la Banque de données administratives longitudinales pour fournir des estimations de référence quant à l'espérance de vie commune et à l'espérance de vie du conjoint survivant ou de la conjointe survivante des couples canadiens, et montrer que ces estimations varient selon le revenu et la situation d'emploi des couples qui approchent de la retraite.

The paper attempts to examine the socio-economic determinants of life expectancy for 91 developing countries using multiple regression and probit frameworks. Disaggregated probit regression has been applied for three groups of countries with low, medium and high life expectancy. Most of explanatory variables turned out to be statistically insignificant, which imply that relevant socio-economic factors like per capita income, education, health expenditure, access to safe water, and urbanization cannot always be considered to be influential in determining life expectancy in developing countries. Based on the analyses it has been suggested that the countries should formulate and implement appropriate social sector policies and programs to increase physicians' availability, and reduce adult illiteracy and undernourishment so as to improve their life expectancies.

AbstractLast year marked the 350th anniversary of the modern concept of life expectancy, which grew out of a correspondence between two brothers in 1669. Not only did life expectancy emerge as the first important nongambling application of the then new doctrine of chances, the correspondence also contained a probability‐based distinction between the median value of a random variable and its expected value, and it set the stage for the first correct formulation of pensions and life annuities. After 350 years, life expectancy remains a gauge of long‐term progress of a country, of subpopulations within a country, and as an international measure of development. On this round anniversary, it is worth remembering the original correspondence and its value today because of the importance of the concept of life expectancy itself and because of the mathematical structure that was used to define it.

Life expectancy has long been seen as an indicator of the quality of life as well as the health of a population. Recent trends in US life expectancy show growing inequality in life expectancy for some socioeconomic and geographic groupings but diminishing inequality by race and gender. For example, while African Americans had gains in life expectancy, non-Hispanic white women with low levels of education experienced drops. Overall, the United States continues to fall behind other countries in terms of life expectancy. One reason is our growing mortality in midlife from so-called deaths of despair. Public health programs cannot eliminate these adverse trends if they are not also accompanied by social policies supporting economic opportunity for US families.