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[Preface] Over the last decade an increasing number of voices have raised concerns about the decline of local news provision in the UK and its impact on democracy. These voices have been challenged by those, particularly within the news industry, who claim that after a difficult period of transition local news is becoming fit for the digital age. Both claims suffer from a relative lack of systematic evidence. Without such evidence it is more difficult to justify existing policy interventions or alter them. Yet, as this study shows, to maintain the status quo holds democratic, economic and social risks. This study, which builds on recent work by both authors, aims to begin to fill the evidence gap and, as a consequence, inform changes in public policy regarding the provision of local news and information. It is important to note that the references in this report to the decline of local newspapers refer to the quantitative decline in the number and circulation of local newspapers, and do not reflect the quality of the output or work of local journalists. This study does not include a quantitative or qualitative analysis of local newspaper content. This report has been reviewed by two academics with expert knowledge in local news from outside King's College London, and one academic within King's College London.

Responding to conflict, in Indonesia and elsewhere, requires an understanding of its distribution, forms, and impacts. In this article, we outline an attempt to use local newspaper monitoring to measure the levels and impacts of violent conflict during the period 2001–2003 in two Indonesian provinces (East Java and NTT). We also assess variation in incidence, impact, and form across and within areas. The study data suggest first that previous research has vastly underestimated the impacts of violent conflict in Indonesia. Comparing our data with those of the previous attempt to use newspapers to map conflict in Indonesia (by the UN Support Facility for Indonesian Recovery [UNSFIR]), we find three times as many deaths from collective violence. These differences are a function of the level of news sources used, with provincial papers picking up only a small proportion of deaths in our research areas. Further, we argue that the impacts of certain types of violence between individuals should be included, leading to even higher figures. Second, our data call into question the dictum that violence in Indonesia is concentrated in a small number of regions. While there is variation between districts, we record large impacts from collective violence in areas not previously considered conflict-prone. Third, substantial variations in conflict form are found across regions, and these result in different kinds of impacts. This underlines the importance of consideration of the role of local factors in driving conflicts and suggests that approaches must be tailored to local conditions. Finally, we demonstrate that using local newspapers to measure and analyze conflicts presents a useful tool for understanding conflict in Indonesia. The use of subprovincial news sources captures more accurate estimates of conflict incidence than other methods, such as provincial newspaper mapping or surveying. It can also provide a basis for a deeper understanding of variations in patterns of conflict across areas and provide insights into how we might respond.

Any constitutional move towards a federal system in the United Kingdom would inevitably be unbalanced by England's obvious economic, cultural and numerical dominance. Some form of English regional devolution is therefore essential if we are to progress as a multinational state post Scottish and Welsh devolution. This article adopts a deliberately polemical approach to a consideration of the potential role of regional English newspapers in that context, suggesting that their established links with a coherent audience, rooted in place, might allow them to act as a vehicle for debate and nurture a sense of regional identity often absent from contemporary English politics. Regional newspapers are 'culturally specific' and have a key role to play in articulating the popular experience of post-devolution political change: this might also present this struggling sector with valuable commercial opportunities as they take advantage of the new political paradigm to further embed themselves within their communities.

Abstract
Any constitutional move towards a federal system in the United Kingdom would inevitably be unbalanced by England's obvious economic, cultural and numerical dominance. Some form of English regional devolution is therefore essential if we are to progress as a multinational state post Scottish and Welsh devolution. This article adopts a deliberately polemical approach to a consideration of the potential role of regional English newspapers in that context, suggesting that their established links with a coherent audience, rooted in place, might allow them to act as a vehicle for debate and nurture a sense of regional identity often absent from contemporary English politics. Regional newspapers are 'culturally specific' and have a key role to play in articulating the popular experience of post-devolution political change: this might also present this struggling sector with valuable commercial opportunities as they take advantage of the new political paradigm to further embed themselves within their communities.

Drawing on institutional anomie theory, we examine how the crisis in local newspapers has induced organizational wrongdoings in local communities. We argue that, because local newspapers are the primary source of accountability journalism in local communities, their decline leads to an anomic state that increases the scale of organizational wrongdoing. We also investigate whether institutional complementarity helps overcome the anomic state: Due to functional similarity, community social connectedness compensates for the scarcity of local newspapers. Our analysis of U.S. metropolitan areas for the period of 2007–2015 reveals that the positive relationship between local newspaper scarcity and the scale of organizational wrongdoing is not present in all communities but does appear when a community lacks community social connectedness. We also find that this moderating role of community social connectedness is observed only for internal organizational wrongdoings that are less visible to the public than external ones.

In the wake of the withdrawal of commercial journalism from local communities at the beginning of the 21st century, Hyperlocal Journalism critically explores the development of citizen-led community news operations. The book draws together a wide range of original research by way of case studies, interviews, and industry and policy analysis, to give a complete view of what is happening to communities as their local newspapers close or go into decline to be replaced by emerging forms of digital news provision. This study takes the United Kingdom as its focus but its findings speak to common issues found in local media systems in other Western democracies. The authors investigate who is producing hyperlocal news and why, as well as production practices, models of community and participatory journalism, and the economics of hyperlocal operations. Looking holistically at hyperlocal news, Hyperlocal Journalism paints a vivid picture of citizens creating their own news services via social media and on free blogging platforms to hold power to account, redress negative reputational geographies, and to tell everyday stories of community life. The book also raises key questions about the sustainability of such endeavours in the face of optimism from commentators and policy-makers.

This analysis tests two distinct predictions regarding local newspapers' coverage of the COVID-19 pandemic in the United States. A public service view of local newspapers predicts that a robust local newspaper sector would mitigate the politicized national partisan rhetoric surrounding COVID-19; reducing the disparity in social-distancing behaviors between predominantly Republican and predominantly Democratic counties by increasing compliance in Republican counties. The alternative hypothesis, informed by a demand-side view of the market pressures local newspapers face, predicts that increased competition between local newspapers will increase the degree to which local newspapers amplify the rhetoric of national officials in line with the partisan composition of their community, further polarizing adherence to social-distancing behaviors across predominantly Republican versus predominantly Democratic counties. The results of this analysis offer strong support for the second hypothesis; but, an additional analysis of vaccination rates offers a more nuanced perspective than a simple public service versus demand-side dichotomy would imply.

This paper is based on a research of communication aspect of the relationship between local newspapers and culture in the period from 1990 to 2000. Political changes during 1990s marked political changes having an impact on all life segments in the Republic of Croatia, thus in the town of Zadar too. The process of democratization in the Republic of Croatia was marked with a series of difficulties. The Homeland war brought about tough days of poverty, deaths, destroyed towns and local heritage, as well as other difficulties usually brought about by war. Culture is an important segment of human life, and studying culture and cultural life in war period requires special attention. Cultural life in such extraordinary conditions influences raising morale and has a significant role in the spiritual life of citizens. Political changes had an effect also on the media going through a process of creating a democratic pluralistic information system. The paper is based on a hypothesis that the Zadar newspapers − in terms of culture and cultural work in the first decade of democratic changes, in pre-war period, war period and post-war period − had the role of an active participant in cultural life as well as the role of a mediator among journalists, cultural workers and citizens of Zadar. The research is based on researches of reaction papers in the area of culture in Zadar's local newspapers in the period from 1990 to 2000. The newspapers include: Narodni list, Zadarski list, Fokus, Zadarski tjednik and Zadarski regional. This paper defines culture in terms of the document Cultural politics of the Republic of Croatia, harmonized with the European standards in terms of cultural politics.

How does competition from online platforms affect the organization, performance, and editorial choices of newspapers? And what are the implications of these changes for the information vot-ers are exposed to and for political accountability? We study these questions using the staggered introduction of Craigslist - the world's largest online platform for classified advertising - across US counties between 1995 and 2009. This setting allows us to separate the effect of competition for classified advertising from other changes brought about by the Internet, and to compare newspapers that relied more or less heavily on classified ads ex ante. We find that, following the entry of Craigslist, local papers experienced a significant decline in the number of newsroom and management staff. Cuts in editorial staff disproportionately affected reporters covering politics. These organizational changes led to a reduction in news coverage of politics and political corrup-tion, and resulted in a decline in newspaper readership which was not compensated by increased news consumption on other media. Finally, we find some evidence that reduced news coverage of politics was associated with lower voter turnout, and more party-line voting for both citizens and politicians.

Local press is defined as a press that serves to introduce and train the public and to provide the public opinion. Local press gives information about the cases happen around the region that it is published and it forms public opinion about the problems of that region. New communication technologies havehave an important role in the forming and enhancing the news contents in the media. Changeovers have occurred in the production, process and distributiondistribution of the news by developing the new media. On the other hand, Internet journalism used by many press institutions is occurredoccurred as a new concept in mass communication. National and local newspapers do not remain insensitive to this new mass communication and it attempts the Internet journalism. Firstly, pressed newspaper had been turned into Web sites as similar but later new application about the transferring the news to the reader have occurred when we look at this application about the transferring of the pressed newspaper to the Internet environment. In this study, the Internet websites if Adanaher from Adana, Olay from Bursa and Ege'nin Sesi from Izmir have been compared with each other. The form, content and interaction of these three newspapers have been discussed and the usage of social media and importance given to the local news have been analyzed.

Abstract
Existing for the good the community has been an established claim to legitimacy for the English regional press since the nineteenth century. Expressed varying as a localized version of the fourth estate or 'parish pump patriotism', this article understands this notion as a discursive position which underwrites claims by the local newspaper to act as a watchdog on behalf of those readers it seeks to serve. As such it serves an ideological function and justifies the normative practices of the industry. However, interviews with newspaper workers suggest that while the good of the community remains a key professional value, increasingly they feel compromised in their ability to uphold it due to the economic environment in which they are operating. It concludes with the proposition that the political economy of the local newspaper needs to invest in real terms in the good of the community if its normative function is to be retained.