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The text "The Manifesto" is part of the anthology "twentyforty – Utopias for a Digital Society" that consisting out of visionary stories written by researchers, addressing the opportunities and challenges that digital technologies present for society in the future of 2040. This particular story shows us how far AI has progressed in the year 2040. An entry in the official "European Political Information Service" reveals that it will no longer be used to augment or improve human life but to de-optimize it.
BASE
In: Index on censorship, Band 14, Heft 3, S. 26-27
ISSN: 1746-6067
Following the trial of the six intellectuals, one of Yugoslavia's best-known writers announced the formation of a committee to defend free thought On 10 November 1984, five days after the trial of the 'Belgrade Six' began, the well-known Yugoslav novelist Dobrica Ćosić announced the setting up of the Committee for the Freedom of Thought and Expression. The Ćosić Committee manifesto was signed by 19 most eminent Serbian men of letters, art and science, including 12 members of the prestigious Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts. What is most striking about the signatories is that they cover the whole spectrum of opinion of the Belgrade intelligentsia, from pre-war party veterans (Gojko Nikoliš, Tanasije Mladenović), Marxist philosophers of the Praxis group (Mihailo Marković, Ljubomir Tadić), advocates of pluralistic socialist democracy (Kosta Čavoški), and the so-called 'nationalists' (Matija Bećković, Mića Popović) to public figures who simply want an affirmation of the rule of law in a country which has had more than its fair share of lawlessness, both under the present and previous regimes, not to mention the terrible wartime period when Yugoslavs, possessed by the demon of self-destruction, engaged in a bloody and tragic civil war. Dobrica Ćosić sent the manifesto with a covering letter to the official news agency Tanjug, the radio and television services of the eight Yugoslav republics and provinces, and 30 dailies, weeklies and periodicals. The media responded with a vitriolic campaign against Ćosić and his committee. A Belgrade Radio commentary said the manifesto was 'inspired by a desire to portray the social system in Yugoslavia as a reign of ideological terror, bureaucratic arbitrariness, police persecution — in a word, Stalinism'. Belgrade's Politika Ekspres implied that Ćosić had joined Tito's partisans (he was the political commissar of a partisan unit in Serbia) only because he wanted to be on the winning side. Zagreb's Vjesnik liked this so much that it decided to reprint it, adding its own subheadings (one of them read: 'A Dirty Business'), but Belgrade's Književne Novine deplored this attempt to cast a slur on Ćosić's wartime record. While Književne Novine was the only paper to spring to Ćosić's defence, the hardline Croatian youth weekly Polet was the only one to carry the committee's manifesto and Ćosić's covering letter, though only to attack both Ćosić and Western critics of the current wave of repression in Yugoslavia. Vjesnik took Ćosić to task for visiting Zagreb in order to canvass support for his initiative, publishing its attack under the heading Gedža u Zagrebu (' The [Serbian] Yokel in Zagreb'). Zagreb's Večernji List said: 'The political prompters and ideological fathers of the Belgrade petitioners have now at long last appeared on the stage and presented themselves to the public…. They obviously feel morally obliged to come to the aid of their puppets now standing trial for hostile activity.' NIN wondered whether Yugoslav opposition elements were appealing for an intervention from abroad. We are grateful to the London-based South Slav Journal for the English translation.
In: International review of qualitative research: IRQR, Band 10, Heft 1, S. 39-43
ISSN: 1940-8455
We write about betweener autoethnographies in this manifesto. We see autoethnography as a way of knowing that has the potential to examine social justice, systems of oppression, and neocolonialism from our encounters with experiences lived in-between identities and worlds. We see life lived in between fixed identities and social categories as a common human experience, and as such, as places where we can expand the circle of Us while also decreasing notions of Them and Other.
In: Alternative Europa, Heft 7, S. 28-31
In: Critical Life Studies
Countersexual Manifesto is an outrageous yet rigorous work of trans theory, a performative literary text, and an insistent call to action. Seeking to overthrow all constraints on what can be done with and to the body, Paul B. Preciado offers a provocative challenge to even the most radical claims about gender, sexuality, and desire.Preciado lays out mock constitutional principles for a countersexual revolution that will recognize genitalia as technological objects and offers step-by-step illustrated instructions for dismantling the heterocentric social contract. He calls theorists such as Derrida, Foucault, Butler, and Haraway to task for not going nearly far enough in their attempts to deconstruct the naturalization of normative identities and behaviors. Preciado's claim that the dildo precedes the penis-that artifice, not nature, comes first in the history of sexuality-forms the basis of his demand for new practices of sexual emancipation. He calls for a world of sexual plasticity and fabrication, of bio-printers and "dildonics," and he invokes countersexuality's roots in the history of sex toys, pornography, and drag in order to rupture the supposedly biological foundations of the heterocentric regime. His claims are extreme, but supported through meticulous readings of philosophy and theory, as well as popular culture. The Manifesto is now available in English translation for its twentieth anniversary, with a new introduction by Preciado. Countersexual Manifesto will disrupt feminism and queer theory and scandalize us all with its hyperbolic but deadly serious defiance of everything we've been told about sex.
In: Politics & society, Band 1, Heft 3, S. 407-407
ISSN: 1552-7514
Intro -- Copyright -- Table of Contents -- Introduction -- The Definition of Parabellum -- Listen to Your Father -- What Are You? -- Part One: The Big Picture on Capitalism vs Communism -- Chapter 1: We Were Warned -- Chapter 2: A Different Education -- Chapter 3: Great Teachers - Real Teachers -- Chapter 4: Who Killed the Most People? -- Chapter 5: Where Have All Our Heroes Gone? -- Chapter 6: America's Poor Aristocrats -- Chapter 7: What Can I Do? -- Chapter 8: Self-Defense -- Chapter 9: Infinite Returns -- Chapter 10: Architects of the Future -- Chapter 11: A Million Paths to Heaven -- Chapter 12: Deeds Not Words -- Chapter 13: Teaching Capitalism at Home -- Part Two: Team and the B-I Triangle -- Introduction to Part Two -- Chapter 14: An Entrepreneur's Most Important Asset -- Part Three: Freedom vs. Power -- Introduction to Part Three -- Chapter 15: America Wokes Up -- Chapter 16: Rise Above -- Chapter 17: Be The Fed -- Chapter 18: Post-Modernism vs. Ancient Wisdom -- Part Four: The Future of Money and the Future of Communism -- Introduction to Part Four -- Chapter 19: The Day After Tomorrow -- Chapter 20: Emergence Through Emergency -- Chapter 21: Preparing for the Future -- About the Author.
World Affairs Online
World Affairs Online