Suchergebnisse

[only abstract in English; full article, abstract in Lithuanian] This article analyzes the role of political rhetoric in social interaction with the public on the internet when considering public issues. Today Facebook, a new platform for political communication, is seen as a media platform where citizens are provided with abundant information about politics and society. During the transformation period, a political leader becomes the most important direct reporter for his electorate. The language of a politician is like the politician's "product," which is personally produced and sold in the "market of virtual society." The language of a politician is their identity. As the media of social network is not editorial, the politicians themselves are responsible for the broadcast of personal rhetoric as well as telling and creating confidence in politics. This article presents a qualitative research. It includes the analysis of the rhetoric of Ingrida Šimonytė, a member of the Seimas of Lithuania of the 2016–2020 term, who is also a former Minister of Finance, while constructing her self-representation to the "friends" found on the social network on her personal Facebook account. During the research, it was established that Ingrida Šimonytė's rhetoric on discussed public issues include the following topics: a) Criticism of personalities of the governing majority; b) Criticism of her colleagues – members of the Seimas; c) Tax, state treasury issues; d) Issues with the city of Vilnius. The way that issues are framed by the member of the Seimas provides a rich arsenal of rhetorical arguments: ranging from authentic sentences to rough, non-standard vocabulary. The verbal ethos of Ingrida Šimonytė as a speaker is ironic, and the shared information of private nature is also full of auto-irony. ; [straipsnis, santrauka lietuvių kalba; santrauka anglų kalba] Straipsnyje analizuojama politinės retorikos reikšmė socialinėje sąveikoje su visuomene internete svarstant viešuosius reikalus. Naujoji politinės komunikacijos platforma ,,Facebook" šiandien vertinama kaip žiniasklaidos priemonė, kurioje piliečiai gausiai informuojami apie politiką ir visuomenę. Transformacijų laikotarpiu politinis lyderis tampa svarbiausiu tiesioginiu pranešėju savo elektoratui. Jo kalba yra tarsi jo ,,prekė", kurią jis pats pagamina ir parduoda ,,virtualiosios visuomenės rinkoje". Politiko kalba yra jo tapatybė. Kadangi socialinių tinklų žiniasklaidoje nėra redakcijos, už transliuojamą asmeninę retoriką yra atsakingas pats politikas, pasakojantis ir kuriantis pasitikėjimą politika. Straipsnyje pristatomas kokybinis tyrimas. Analizuojama 2016–2020 m. kadencijos Lietuvos Respublikos Seimo narės, buvusios finansų ministrės Ingridos Šimonytės retorika, konstruojant savęs pristatymą socialinio tinklo ,,draugams" asmeninėje ,,Facebooko" paskyroje. Tiriamu laikotarpiu nustatyta, kad I. Šimonytės retorika, svarstant viešuosius reikalus, apima šias temas: a) valdančiosios daugumos personalijų kritika; b) kolegų Seimo narių kritika; c) mokesčių, valstybės iždo klausimai; d) Vilniaus miesto problemos. Seimo narės problemų įrėminimas pateikia gausų retorinių argumentų arsenalą – nuo autentiškų sentencijų iki šiurkščios nenorminės leksikos. I. Šimonytės kaip kalbėtojos verbalinis ethos yra ironiškas, privataus pobūdžio informacija, kuria dalijamasi, taip pat persmelkta autoironijos.

[only abstract in English; full article, abstract in Lithuanian] The purpose of this article is to suggest an innovative theoretical approach to modern democracy and its implicit contradiction between the idea of public sovereignty and the model of political representation. The apparent practical problem arising from this contradiction is the lack of legitimacy in democratically elected officials and parliament in general. The article argues that the issue with democratic representation cannot be explained sociologically, but must include a theoretical analysis of the normative contradiction between the egalitarian principle of sovereignty of the people and the hierarchical model of political representation. The article develops its argument from the conceptual framework laid down in the political theory of Montesquieu. Montesquieu's thoughts on political regimes offer important insights about modern representative democracy, highlighting the structural relationship between what he called the "nature of democracy" (the rule of the people) and the "generating principle of democracy" (love for equality). Three contemporary interpretations of Montesquieu's theory (by Fred Dallmayr, Michael Mosher and Sharon Krause) are introduced and critically evaluated. The article concludes that: Representative democracy suffers from a structural tension between the democratic idea of the rule of the people and its practical implementation through the model of representation, which was inherited from predemocratic monarchic regimes. The problem is not sociological but structural. Montesquieu's theory offers a conceptual framework for analyzing the inner tension of representative democracy between the ideas of egalitarianism and political hierarchy. Contemporary authors suggest different interpretations of Montesquieu's thought and offer several strategies for the possible improvement of democratic rule, such as (1) redrawing the notion of representation, (2) creating a more empowered civic society and (3) introducing a meritocratic educational system for individuals. Yet, they all miss the original idea posed by the Enlightenment philosopher regarding the balance between the democratic principle (passion for equality) and its natural claim to represent the people with "intermediary institutions" that mitigate the adverse tendencies of the democratic form of government. Philosophical discussions about democratic legitimacy should consider one Montesquieu's statement that is rarely theoretically acknowledged: that democratic political representation needs non-egalitarian social ideas. This means that democracy must tolerate certain non-democratic social ideas (such as honor) for its own benefit, because they provide the necessary balancing institutions. Such an idea would benefit the ongoing debates about democracy by providing a more structural outlook on the fundamental source of the problem (which is a structural collision of contradictory ideas: "equality" vs. "hierarchy") than those offered by the sociological strategies of democratization or civic empowerment. ; [straipsnis, santrauka lietuvių kalba; santrauka anglų kalba] Straipsnio tikslas yra konceptualiai apžvelgti ir išryškinti moderniai atstovaujamajai demokratijai būdingą vidinį prieštaravimą tarp lygybės idėja grįsto liaudies suverenumo principo ir hierarchiją įtvirtinančio politinės reprezentacijos mechanizmo. Siekiant šio tikslo palyginama filosofo Montesquieu politinių santvarkų teorijoje pristatoma demokratijos samprata ir trys šiuolaikinės jos interpretacijos. Straipsnyje ginama retai dabartinių politikos filosofų akcentuojama mintis, kad politinės valdžios atstovaujamojoje demokratijoje legitimumo stoka yra ne socialinės, bet politinės kilmės problema. Chroninis nepasitikėjimas demokratiškai išrinktais atstovais nėra tik visuomenės brandos ar pilietiškumo trūkumo požymis. Tai – struktūrinės įtampos tarp modernaus liaudies valdžios principo ir jo pritaikymo iš monarchijos laikų paveldėtam parlamentiniam reprezentacijos mechanizmui padarinys. Šio atstovaujamajame valdyme užkoduoto politinių idėjų prieštaravimo negali išspręsti socialinė inžinerija ar piliečių demokratizavimo strategijos. Straipsnyje mėginama aktualizuoti Apšvietos epochos filosofų mintį, kad demokratinei politinei reprezentacijai efektyviai veikti reikalinga nedemokratinė hierarchinė socialinio etoso idėja.

Jonas Mackevičius, The regulation of financial accounting in Lithuania during the Soviet occupation (1966–1989) , 7Vita Daubarienė, Kristina Rudžionienė, The selection of evaluation methods representing true and fair view of a financial performance of a company, 18Darius Gliaubicas, The research of management accounting methods in Lithuanian companies, 32Romualdas Valkauskas, Economic fluctuations: indicators, statistical description, 52Vladislav Tomaševič, The main principles of policy formation of working capital management, 61Martynas Novikovas, Application of Berry ratio in transfer pricing, 74Romualdas Bartaška, Liuda Gargasienė, External and internal audit of projects financed by EU funds, 81Agnė Ramanauskaitė, Exposure of intellectual capital in financial report of a company, 94 ; Jonas Mackevičius, Buhalterinės apskaitos reglamentavimas sovietinės okupacijos metais (1966 – 1989 metais), 7 Vita Daubarienė, Kristina Rudžionienė, Įvertinimo būdų pasirinkimas pateikiant tikrą ir teisingą įmonės finansinę būklę, 18 Darius Gliaubicas, Valdymo apskaitos metodų tyrimas Lietuvos įmonėse, 32 Romualdas Valkauskas, Ūkio svyravimai: aprašymas skaičiais, 52 Vladislav Tomaševič, Apyvartinis kapitalas ir jo valdymo politikos formavimo principai, 61 Martynas Novikovas, Berrio rodiklio naudojimas sandorių tarp asocijuotų asmenų kainodaroje, 74 Romualdas Bartaška, Liuda Gargasienė, Europos Sąjungos fondų lėšomis finansuojamų projektų išorės ir vidaus auditas, 81 Agnė Ramanauskaitė, Intelektinio kapitalo atskleidimas įmonių finansinėse ataskaitose, 94

In the article there is presented the author's review of the newly published monograph of the ass. prof. dr. Saulius Stumbra "The practice of Catholic religiosity and popular devotion. Educational aspects". According to the author of this article, this monograph has raised up and has scientifically based the power of interdisciplinary educational interaction in the development of a young personality. But the most significant is that the priest-scientist perceives and proves that "it is important to ensure that the society of globalization today does not lose the elements of nationaltraditional culture, so that religion will continue to be significant, especially in the lives of young people, and so that it would be effective in the social, political and cultural spheres of a traditional and modern society". S. Stumbra, the first in Lithuania, based on his research and that of other authors, argues that between the goals of religiousness and the virtuously achieving quality of life there is a positive strong direct connection. The author also presents evaluations of other monograph reviewers. According to Apostolic Nuncio Pedro Lopez Quintana, the work gets special value and meaning, because its purpose is "to examine Catholic religiosity in early youth and to demonstrate how practices of popular devotion can be applied in education and teaching of the catechism in early youth. The popular piety helps a simple person to find answers to the greatest existential questions relating to life, death, love, suffering and joy". Prelate Prof. Habil. Dr. Vytautas Steponas Vaičiūnas, analyzing the Fr. dr. Stumbra's monograph emphasizes that presented "global (religious, philosophical, social, educational, psychological) approach to the influence of popular devotional practices on a child's aging has gotten not by general, superficial phrases but by using competent literature, consistent scientific empirical research, personal life experience, appropriately chosen scientific methodology, which shows the author's thoroughness, scientific knowledge; therefore, the monograph has been prepared as a serious scientific theoretical practical work". According to the Bishop of Telšiai Kęstutis Kėvalas, the popular piety is one of the ways to incarnate the Christian message. Fr. dr. Saulius found a niche where the Christian faith can be nurtured by the popular devotion. This is a really unexpected discovery. Our uniqueness as a nation, as our national heritage is definitely entering a world-class registration which can become the UNESCO heritage. Thus, we have a wonderful symbiosis between science and tradition, education and uniqueness". Summarizing all this, the following conclusion is drawn: the monograph of the priest-scientist Saulius Stumbra is an original, innovative work, enriching the theory and practice of Lithuanian social science on issues of education, opening up wide opportunities for people who care for the education of young people (and not only), the preservation of the national identity, raising up and strengthening the Catholic religiosity through the practice of the popular devotion. This work is an unbelievable symbiosis of the Catholic religiosity, music and science.

[only abstract in English; full article and abstract in Lithuanian] The article asks how coherent a narrative ideology really is and how total is the control of narrative in film propaganda developed for the Baltic States in the immediate aftermath of WWII. In 1947, three films for the newly occupied Baltic countries were produced by Lenfilm and Mosfilm in cooperation with the local studios:Marytė(directed by Vera Stroyeva) for Lithuania,Life in a Citadel (Elu tsitadellis, directed by Herbert Rappaport) for Estonia andHomeward with Victory(Mājup ar uzvaru, directed by Aleksandr Ivanov) for Latvia. These films served as an introduction of the Soviet visual regime to the new territories and trained new citizens to learn its political optics. The narrative ideology of all three films aims both at creating a thematic consistency and establishing a continuity of time and space usual for this kind of cinema wherever it is produced. However, a certain kind of narrative rupture appears in each of them– here they are calledspacial composites. Typically, spatial composites are a vehicle for the utopian thinking when used as a tool in films produced by the power and a point of subversion when produced by the counterculture. The article argues that narrative film propaganda survives this kind of rupture, harmless for the work of ideology. However, it marks a relative instability of hegemony while it's in its initial stage. ; [straipsnis ir santrauka lietuvių kalba; santrauka anglų kalba] Straipsnyje nagrinėjami pokario kino propagandos tekstai – trys filmai, 1947 m. sukurti Lietuvai, Latvijai ir Estijai kaip šių šalių politinės žiūros ir prieinamų subjekto pozicijų "treniravimo" įrankis. Pagrindinis klausimas – kiek totalūs, rišlūs yra minėti filmai ir ką reiškia jų kuriamo tolydumo pertrūkiai naratyvinio kino ideologijos kontekste? Atsispiriant nuo Michelio Foucault aptariamos diskurso amplitudės, straipsnyje analizuojami erdviniai kompozitai – montažo figūros, konstruojančios naratyvinį tolydumą ardančias erdves. Paprastai jos laikomos kritinio santykio su dominuojančiu diskursu resursu, tačiau sovietinės ideologijos formavimosi laikotarpio (porevoliucinio Rusijoje ir pokario Baltijos šalyse) medžiaga rodo, kad kai kompozitines erdves gamina hegemonijos centras, jos arba brėžia šios utopinį matmenį, arba žymi negrėsmingą besisteigiančios hegemonijos neišbaigtumą.

The article analyses legal regulation stipulating that associations, authorized by special laws, may perform public administration functions and case law that defines when such associations are or, on the contrary, are not regarded as public administration subjects; the rationale of such legal regulation and case law is assessed. Also, it is also analysed how activities of associations, authorized to perform public administration functions, are compliant with the doctrine of associations' autonomy from the public government. It is concluded that possibility for the said associations to act in the field of public administration has constitution grounds and it is recommended for the courts to apply unified functional test for assessing the activities of such associations in the field of public administration. Also, it is suggested to clearly distinguish a separate category of associations, establishment, structure and functions thereof, are determined by specific laws. ; Straipsnyje analizuojamas teisinis reguliavimas, numatantis, kad tam tikros specialiaisiais įstatymais įgaliotos asociacijos gali vykdyti viešojo administravimo veiklą, bei teismų praktika, įvardijanti, kada tokios asociacijas laikomos arba, atvirkščiai, nelaikomos viešojo administravimo subjektais; vertinamas tokio teisinio reguliavimo ir teismų praktikos pagrįstumas. Taip pat analizuojama, kiek asociacijų, įgaliotų vykdyti viešąjį administravimą, veikla yra suderinama su asociacijų autonomijos nuo viešosios valdžios doktrina. Daromos išvados, kad minėtų asociacijų priskyrimas viešojo administravimo subjektams turi konstitucinius pagrindus, rekomenduojama teismų praktikoje taikyti bendrą funkcinį testą šių asociacijų veiklai viešojo administravimo srityje vertinti. Taip pat siūloma teisės doktrinoje aiškiai išskirti atskirą asociacijų, kurių steigimą, struktūrą ir funkcijas lemia specialieji įstatymai, kategoriją.

[only abstract in English; full article and abstract in Lithuanian] Schmitt was right to point out the apolitical nature of Romanticism. The romantic relationship with the world turns politics into an occasion for an individual to showcase the creative powers of one's imagination. This leads to the aesthetic and emotional interpretation of the daily political phenomena. It gives rise to the perspective of an external observer who has no practical interest in the processes that are observed. Romantics are concerned with the emotional and aesthetic relationship with politics, and this is the source of their political passivity. The romantic relationship with the world is opposed to the idea of the statesman. The statesman is, by definition, not only an active citizen. He has to rise up to the highest standards of political leadership. The statesman has to lay the foundations for the principles that are to determine the state for future generations. In many important aspects, liberal democracy is similar to the principles of Romanticism that were described by Schmitt. Many observations point to the conclusion that the citizens of democratic societies see themselves as individuals endowed with unlimited creativity. They talk about politics but tend to avoid political commitments. The democratic principle of the majority pushes away the idea of the statesman. However, it would be a mistake to think that Romanticism is only the destroyer of the concept of the statesman. On the contrary, Romantics have made serious contributions to the emergence of national states and the statesmen who defended them. Without the impact of the Romantic imagination, it is hard to envision the national movements of Central and Eastern Europe. Schmitt's conception of political Romanticism is foreign to this region. The historical experience in Central and Eastern Europe shows that Romanticism was more than a purely artistic movement and played an important role in the creation of the political myth of the nation. The activities of the Romantics were often very political. Schmitt did not notice the important connections between the Romantic aesthetics and the nation state. The modern nation state is inseparable from the myth of the nation, which was nurtured by Romanticism. Even by driving out the understanding of the importance of the idea of the statesman, Romanticism preserves the very condition of its possibility – the myth of the nation. ; [straipsnis ir santrauka lietuvių kalba; santrauka anglų kalba] Straipsnio tikslas – atskleisti romantizmo ir valstybininko idėjos santykiųdvilypumą. Vienu atžvilgiu romantizmas yra valstybininko idėją iš politiniomąstymo šalinantis veiksnys. Tai atskleidžia Carlo Schmitto PolitischeRomantik koncepcija, kurios branduolį sudaro su politika nesuderinamo romantiškosubjektyvizmo idėja. Kitu atžvilgiu romantizmas yra pagrindinistautinę valstybę suformavęs veiksnys. Šią valstybę ginantis valstybininkasneįsivaizduojamas be romantiško tautos mito. Vidurio ir Rytų Europos tautųistorija rodo Schmitto požiūrio į romantizmą vienpusiškumą. Šis autoriuspernelyg akcentuoja pirmąjį romantizmo veiksnį, užmiršdamas apie antrąjį.Vidurio ir Rytų Europos valstybių politinė istorija rodo, kad romantizmasne tik šalina valstybę ir valstybininko sampratą, bet ir yra daugiausia priepolitinio tautos mito kūrimo prisidėjęs veiksnys.

[only abstract in English; full article and abstract in Lithuanian] This article discusses the future prospects of nations and nation states in the era of globalization by critically analyzing the theoretical justifications of the philosophical idea that one of the inevitable consequences of globalization is a gradual disintegration of nations and nation states. The origins of this idea are traced back to the political theory of Immanuel Kant, particularly to Kant's vision of a cosmopolitan, civil society and the concept of the worldwide confederation of republican states. The article introduces an argument that the position that Kant's vision of the civil society and confederation of states is internally incoherent and utopian, and it should be viewed as a normative moral and political ideal (or, in Kantian terms, a maxim of the practical historical reason that every human being should strive for) rather than as a theoretically coherent and justified political project. This normative ideal of modernity is viewed as the driving force of history, since it facilitates attempts to implement it in practice and achieve the end result – a peaceful, global civil society. In such a state of peaceful coexistence, the nation, as a form of political organization, loses its relevance, and the nation state gets replaced by a cosmopolitan confederation of republican states.The modern vision of a cosmopolitan and apolitical global order is viewed as one of the most important ideas of political philosophy, which has a tremendous influence on the history and geopolitical development of the modern world. It is shown that, for over two centuries, this idea has been both a theoretical and an ideological inspiration for global governance projects. The article suggests that a conceptual "overlap" between the two conceptions of a nation – the traditional natural law and the modern constructivist one – may have been one of the primary reasons of why this idea has retained philosophical and political significance for over two centuries. The article defends the view that this conceptual confusion led to a theoretically and empirically unjustified conviction that the disintegration of nations and nation states will be an inevitable outcome of the development of the modern world, and that this conviction facilitates further political experiments aimed at realizing the utopian apolitical society. ; [straipsnis ir santrauka lietuvių kalba; santrauka anglų kalba] Straipsnyje svarstoma tautos ir nacionalinės valstybės būklė ir ateities perspektyvos šių dienų globalizacijos sąlygomis. Teoriniu ir metodologiniu aspektu analizuojama ir kritiškai vertinama šiuolaikinėje politinėje teorijoje įsitvirtinusi idėja, kad tauta ir nacionalinė valstybė kaip jos politinės organi­zacijos forma yra pasmerktos išnykti. Aptariant šios idėjos ištakas ir genezę moderniojoje politinėje filosofijoje atskleidžiama, kad tai yra teoriškai ne­pagrindžiama normatyvinė idėja, arba praktiškai neįgyvendinamas utopinis moralinis ir politinis idealas.

[only abstract in English; full article and abstract in Lithuanian] The main goal of this article is to describe the establishment of the first Lithuanian Republic in 1918 as an ideological project. The focus here is on three ideological systems that are usually treated as closely linked to modern Lithuanian statehood – nationalism, Romanticism and conservatism. First, I deal with the question of nationalism (mostly treated as a form of ethnic nationalism) being the main grounding point for an independent Lithuanian state. I defend the thesis that the discourse of a national-state-building process and nationalism as a main ideological form is too narrow and one-dimensional. It can't shed light onto the ideological polysemy and the quarrels that took place in 1918 and afterward. The argument is based on the interpretation of nationalism as a thin-centered ideology as it was described by Michael Freeden. The second thesis stresses that collective (national) self-understanding is undeniably important, but this interpretation does not predispose any state-building attempts. It requires a radical reinterpretation and transformation of known political reality, and this can only be achieved with political Romanticism as was described by Carl Schmitt. Finally, I introduce in the question of the place of conservative ideology in the state-building process. Modern Lithuanian statehood was reached through a radical reform of an old political system. That is why conservative thought, which usually stands for traditions and the established order, seems like an unnatural ideological ally for a new Lithuanian state. But if one would treat conservative thought as an ideology dealing with the issue of change and pointing to a natural community and history, it is then possible to find some specific traces of conservative imagination. ; [straipsnis ir santrauka lietuvių kalba; santrauka anglų kalba] Straipsnio tikslas – kritiškai įvertinti ir patikslinti kai kurias prielaidas, susijusias su pirmosios Lietuvos Respublikos sukūrimu, dėmesį sutelkiant į klausimą, koks yra besikuriančios valstybės ideologinis pagrindas. Ši tema bus plėtojama apimant tris dažnai susipinančias ideologines sistemas, kurios paprastai siejamos su valstybiškumo išlaikymu, – nacionalizmu, romantizmu ir konservatizmu. Pirmiausia straipsnyje polemizuojama su viešajame ir aka­deminiame diskurse įsigalėjusiu teiginiu, kad Vasario 16-osios Lietuva yra neatskiriama nuo Lietuvos kaip nacionalinio (šią sąvoką dažniausiai vartojant etnine prasme) projekto. Straipsnio tezė yra tai, kad tautinės valstybės kūri­mo ir tautiškumo naratyvas, kuriame pabrėžiamas nacionalizmas kaip visa ką grindžiantis politinis principas, yra per daug vienmatis ir negali visapusiškai apibūdinti tuo metu besikuriančios Lietuvos pasaulėžiūrinės visumos. Antra, pripažįstant, kad kolektyvinė saviidentifikacija yra svarbus, bet tik vienas iš žingsnių kuriant valstybinę savivoką ir neimplikuoja noro kurti valstybę. Tautokūros (angl.nation-building) politinio įprasminimo būdus ir valstybės kūrimo (angl.state-building) idėjos transformaciją bent iš dalies nuodugniau suprasti leidžia nacionalizmo projekto papildymas Carlo Schmitto politinio romantizmo idėja. Trečioji straipsnio dalis pateikia konservatyvios valsty­bės (at)kūrimo ideologijos interpretaciją. Vasario 16-osios Lietuvos atsira­dimą interpretuojant kaip revoliucinį įvykį būtent dešiniajam, paprastai su tradicinių institucijų išlaikymu siejamam mąstymui, šistradicijos palikimouždavinys yra vienas sudėtingiausių, nes besikuriančios valstybės iš esmės yra antikonservatoriškos. Plėtojant konservatizmo temą antrinama Michae­lio Freedeno konservatizmo ideologijos analizei, pripažįstant ją kaip kintantį fenomeną, kurio ašis yra ne tiek aiškiai apibrėžtos idėjos, kiek pats istorijos kaitos suvokimas ir nuolatinis mėginimas šią problemą suvaldyti.

[only abstract in English; full article and abstract in Lithuanian] Stasys Lozoraitis Jr. is of one the most influential Lithuanian diplomats of the 20th century, having served as chargé d'affaires in Rome and as head of the Lithuanian diplomatic service in exile. S. Lozoraitis Jr. maintained his status as a vital figure of the independence movement and thereafter during the early years of independence as an ambassador to the United States. Although S. Lozoraitis Jr. never published extended written work or explained his political views in detail, numerous public speeches, congratulation letters, interviews and notes become a significant source of information when attempting to analyze particular political views and the theoretical outlook that the diplomat had and used as guidance in his goals of Lithuanian national sovereignty, the reinstatement of democracy and international recognition. The purpose of this article is to analyze the aforementioned historical sources, kept in the Lithuanian Central State Archives and published in separate works, in an attempt to form a coherent picture of the principles of democracy as interpreted by S. Lozoraitis Jr. and how these principles should apply to Lithuania, as it gains its independence from the Soviet Union.The first chapter delves into the Lithuanian diplomatic service during the last decades of the 20th century, the challenges it faced and how the role of the said organization was envisioned by the chargé d'affaires S. Lozoraitis Jr. The diplomatic service was in a unique position during the period of the Soviet occupation, as its duty was to represent a state that was essentially erased from the map. While larger, more powerful states see diplomacy as a supplementary tool, according to S. Lozoraitis Jr., smaller states such as Lithuania relied on their diplomats far more. The LDS, while in exile, is seen as a symbol of the fight for independence for the natives having their fight at home.The second chapter details three primary principles of democracy and how they fit into the image of a sovereign Lithuania. The first principle is theplurality of opinion, which is held as a certain ontological principle that is inherent in life. Human life, according to S. L. Jr., is based around a variety of opinions and attitudes; an open society is simply crucial for a healthy democratic process. Rebuilding societal ties shall be one of the main challenges for independent Lithuania. The second principle is freedom, which is essential for human self-expression. Freedom, in a way, permits the flourishing of the plurality of opinion; therefore, both of these principles are interlinked. The third principle – law – ensured that the former two principles are not violated and can flourish in a democratic society. Law guarantees both the plurality of opinion and freedom as well as freedom both domestically and internationally.Despite the fact that the theoretical and normative outlook of democracy of S. Lozoraitis Jr. at first seems quite eclectic, after an in depth analysis, it can be concluded that all three of aforementioned principles are interlinked and help maintain a healthy democratic order and society as well as ensuring peace among its neighboring nations, which is seen a primary international goal for an independent Lithuania. ; [straipsnis ir santrauka lietuvių kalba; santrauka anglų kalba] Šiame straipsnyje analizuojami Stasio Lozoraičio jaunesniojo (1924– 1994), ypatingojo Lietuvos reikalų patikėtinio, kandidato į prezidentus, pasi­sakymai ir kalbos, siekiant atskleisti diplomato demokratinės Lietuvos viziją, demokratijos principų sampratą ir jų santykį su Lietuvos nepriklausomybės siekiais. Tyrimo objektas – teorinė S. Lozoraičio jaunesniojo veiklos sritis, kuri atsiskleidžia viešuose pasisakymuose, interviu, sveikinimuose bei asme­niniuose užrašuose. Nepaisant diplomato politinės minties eklektiškumo, pa­grindiniai demokratijos principai – nuomonių pliuralizmas, laisvė ir taika – sudaro organišką visumą ir tampa platesnės, nepriklausomos Lietuvos vizijos sudedamąja dalimi, kartu tai yra autentiška, vertybinį turinį turinti politinė mintis. Straipsnyje analizuojama medžiaga – archyviniai dokumentai, saugo­mi Lietuvos centriniame valstybės archyve, bei publikuotų šaltinių rinkiniai.

[only abstract in English; full article and abstract in Lithuanian] The aim of this article is to find out whether the structural conditions for an effective activity of the public broadcaster were created in Lithuania. The legal regulation of management and financing of the Lithuanian public broadcaster (LRT) are analyzed. The article also explores what political and economic circumstances were decisivein the media policy process regarding the change of the structural conditions for the effectiveness of the LRT. It is claimed in the article that the structural conditions for the effective activity of the LRT were only partially created during the 27 years of statehood. First, the model of formation of the LRT Council balanced the political representation between the LRT Council members that are delegated by three sides: the governing coalition, the opposition of the Seimas and the President. However, such regulation does not decouple the LRT's management from any concrete political conjuncture and from any possible political coalitions in the LRT Council. Second, since 2015, the funding of LRT has been related to the revenues of the state and municipalities' budgets (1.5 percent from the income tax and 1.3 percent from the excise revenues). However, such a financing model of the LRT is not sufficient to exclude it from the level of the least financed public service media outlets in the European Union. ; [straipsnis ir santrauka lietuvių kalba; santrauka anglų kalba] Straipsnyje analizuojama politikos subjektų vadybinės ir finansinės įtakos Lietuvos nacionaliniam radijui ir televizijai (LRT) raida ir politinės (ir ekonominės) aplinkybės, lėmusios struktūrinių sąlygų, būtinų visuomeninio transliuotojo efektyviai veiklai, kaitą Lietuvoje nuo 1990 m. Teigiama, kad per 27 valstybingumo metus Lietuvoje tik iš dalies sukurtos struktūrinės sąlygos veiksmingai visuomeninio transliuotojo veiklai. Pirmą nepriklausomybės dešimtmetį įtvirtintas parlamentinis (vyriausybinis) LRT modelis, kai transliuotojo valdymas tiesiogiai priklauso nuo politinės valdžios, jos darbo ciklų, o dauguma pajamų skiriama iš valstybės biudžeto, kiekvienais metais keičiant pajamų dydį ir nenustatant lėšų skirstymo kriterijų. 2000 m. įteisintas LRT tarybos sudarymo modelis padėjo rasti politinių įtakų balansą tarp Seimo pozicijos, opozicijos ir Prezidento, tačiau LRT vadyba nebuvo atsieta nuo konkrečios politinės konjunktūros ir galimų politinių koalicijų LRT taryboje. Nuo 2015 m. įvestas LRT finansavimo iš biudžeto modelis, gaunamas pajamas fiksuotu procentu susiejant su mokamais į biudžetą mokesčiais, atribojo politikus nuo sprendimo kasmet nustatyti LRT finansavimo dydį, tačiau tai Europos Sąjungos kontekste negarantuoja LRT solidesnio finansavimo, nes pagal procentinę dalį nuo šalies BVP finansavimas 2016 m. buvo du kartus mažesnis negu ES šalių vidurkis.

[only abstract in English; full article and abstract in Lithuanian] The video game industry has been growing rapidly in the recent years, reaching almost 2 billion players worldwide and sometimes even exceeding profits and other numbers put up by such entertainment juggernauts as the Hollywood. It is safe to say that video-games have become an integral part of contemporary popculture, contributing to the formation of attitudes, especially among younger audiences (18–35 years old). This is especially poignant in the case of historical games, which have always been popular and have been representing one or another version of historical narration for years. Nevertheless, despite the immense popularity of videogames and their growing presence within contemporary culture, historians, political and social scientists have been often neglecting video game studies primarily because of its infancy and inadequacy to provide space for political reflection and argumentation. According to the skeptics, video games can only reflect the current tendencies within the order of neoliberalism prevailing in the world. However, the article contradicts this by proposing to treat this situation as an opportunity instead of an excuse – the fact that video games can reflect the injustices of today's world without providing criticism should act as a catalyst for further studies of political argumentation within the medium of video games, which in turn would contribute to further theorizations on the critical potential of video games in connection to politics. This is deemed especially important in the case of reconstructing historical narratives in the most popular video games, the majority of which focus on various historical instances of war. As a result, the first part of the article presents an analysis on both the potential and limitations of videogames to act as spaces for the commemoration of historical memory. The second part aims to ground the theoretical implications by considering to examples of video game industries – the United States and Russia – and techniques as well as directions that they employ in reconstructing the popular prosthetic memory related to wars in which these countries had participated. The article concludes with the idea that historical games can indeed act as a space for producing specific historical narratives oriented toward the popular memory. When it comes to American games, they mostly focus on presenting more personal stories regarding the heroic and virtuous American soldiers during a given War. This, supplemented by a diminished or exaggerated account of actions taken by other allies (as well as enemies) aims at whitewashing the American historical memory. Among the Russian games, however, personal identification through emotional storybuilding is much less pronounced. Its place is taken by focusing on the technological domination and de-personalized stories of bravery employed by the Russians and Soviets. To conclude, the article once again calls for more engagement with the medium of videogames from the side of social and political science as well as history. Video games have quickly become one of the main venues for younger demographic groups to get their first pieces of knowledge regarding history, politics, gender and other topics. The importance of this is understood not only by American but by Russian officials as well, which demands more research on the power of games and their critical potential. This engagement would allow for less political manipulation (especially in the case of historical games) and for a better understanding and fulfillment of the potential of video games. ; [straipsnis ir santrauka lietuvių kalba; santrauka anglų kalba] Kompiuterinių žaidimų pramonė auga ir turi jau beveik 2 mlrd. žaidėjų visame pasaulyje. Tai rodo, jog kompiuteriniai žaidimai, nepaisant jų pramoginio pobūdžio, yra tapę integralia šiuolaikinės popkultūros dalimi. Vis tik dėl skeptiško šios medijos formos vertinimo politinių ir socialinių žaidimų studijų šiandien stokojama. Straipsniu, pasitelkiant istorinės atminties problematiką, siekiama prisidėti prie tokių tyrimų formavimosi. Pristatomos žaidimo kaip medijos galimybės ir trūkumai reprezentuojant istoriją, vėliau pereinama prie JAV ir Rusijos karo žaidimų masyvų palyginimo, išskiriant pagrindines tokių naratyvų formavimo kryptis: koncentraciją ties suasmenintais herojiškais pasakojimais ir technologinio dominavimo reprezentaciją. Straipsnio pabaigoje, pasiremiant istorinės atminties prieiga, daroma išvada, kad kompiuteriniai žaidimai turėtų susilaukti daugiau socialinių mokslų ats­tovų dėmesio dėl ypatingos žaidimų galios formuoti pasaulėvaizdžius per virtualias patirtis bei dėl schematiškumo problemos žaidimuose, kuri pastaruosius padaro palankius politizuotoms istorinių naratyvų konstrukcijoms, telkiant dėmesį ties skirtingais simuliuojamos tikrovės aspektais.

[only abstract in English; full article, abstract in Lithuanian] The infrastructural dependency of the Baltic States on Russia, even a quarter of a century after the collapse of the Soviet Union, has lead to technological dependence and the maintenance of relations between scientists, business groups and political decision-makers. All this has further strengthened Moscow's tools in the area of energy geopolitics in the Baltic region. On the other hand, use of the so-called "punishment" instruments, intended to force other states to review their policies toward a Moscow-leaning direction, has actually failed. Looking back, one may even say that the result was opposite: an aggressive Russian policy encouraged smaller countries to seek alternative supply routes, other partners and directions for integration. In this context, Lithuania may only appreciate that Moscow was not active enough in applying the positive instruments – offering preferential loans for the development of energy infrastructure, providing discounts for purchased resources etc. Namely these tactics would, in the long run, only increase the damage for Lithuania as an importer of energy resources.Thus, Russia's pressure (primarily in the field of natural gas supply and pricing) did not force the Baltic States to act in accordance with its guidelines, for example, to refrain from criticizing the Nord Stream or postpone their integration into the network of Continental Europe. On the contrary – due to the lack of active application of negative measures and the absence of any positive instruments, Lithuania has invested in the LNG terminal, electricity interconnections, a synchronization project, and it took certain political measures by taking part in the creation of the EU Energy Union. Of course, some elements of the "punishment" policy have been successful for Russia: in 2009, the Ostrovets NPP project reduced the attractiveness of the joint Baltic States' and Poland nuclear power plant project to the extent that it was abandoned. Extensive damage was caused not only to the economy of the country (Lithuania had definitely lost a potentially very important engine for its economy), but also to the image of the state, since Lithuania was eventually forced to freeze the Visaginas NPP project, which had been initiated and regionally promoted by Lithuania for more than a decade.Not everything may be considered as part of a strategy that is logical and "irresistible" for the states that strive to drop their dependency on the dominant supplier. For instance, this can be said of the EU-wide disagreements on NS2, which cause uncertainty about the EU's unity and both its ability and willingness to fulfill its earlier commitments. Without agreeing to either stopping the construction of the Ostrovets NPP or selecting another site, Lithuania attempts to send a message to Minsk saying that such a construction is unacceptable, yet it does not receive adequate support even from its closest neighbors. The membership of the Baltic States in the IPS/UPS system could easily be used for political purposes in Russia quite soon, but the Baltic States are not very keen on speeding up any political agreement on the most favorable direction of the synchronization. There is no common long-term solution for alternative gas imports into the Baltic countries, too. Nevertheless, the latest trends are of optimistic nature: the current combination of political will and economic opportunities in the Baltic States and the EU should be a sufficient boon for reaching the set goal of the Baltic States' integration into the Western European energy systems until 2025. ; [straipsnis, santrauka lietuvių kalba; santrauka anglų kalba] Praėjus 27-eriems nepriklausomybės metams ir 13-ai narystės Europos Sąjungoje metų, elektros energijos srityje Baltijos šalys vis dar veikia iš Maskvos valdomoje sinchroninėje IPS/UPS zonoje, o iki 2014 m. pabaigos buvo visiškai priklausomos ir nuo Rusijoje priimamų sprendimų dėl gamtinių dujų tiekimo ir jų kainos. Vis dėlto priklausymas tai pačiai elektros energetikos sistemai ir Kaliningrado aprūpinimo per Lietuvą veiksnys teisinio abipusiškumo ir pasitikėjimo tarp Baltijos šalių ir Rusijos nesukūrė. Atvirkščiai, Rusijos politika sąlygojo konkrečius neigiamus padarinius Baltijos valstybėms: didesnes didmenines gamtinių dujų kainas, politinių, techninių bei kitų priežasčių sąlygotus energijos tiekimo sutrikimus, politinį šantažą ir pan. Kita vertus, pastarojo meto Lietuvos, Latvijos ir Estijos pažanga, siekiant energetinės nepriklausomybės, nuteikia optimistiškai – Baltijos šalys, regis, atrado Rusijos spaudimui pasipriešinti tinkamas priemones.

[full article, abstract in English] The process of state financing of the political parties in Poland and Ukraine has been analyzed in this article. The authors have studied and compared the theoretical foundations of the Polish and Ukrainian legislation in the sphere of state financing of the functioning of the political parties. By comparing the experience of state financing of political parties in Poland and Ukraine, the authors have distinguished a number of direct and indirect positive consequences in the party system of Poland. It has been determined that in Ukraine, in turn, considering the lack of legal and public sources for financing political parties, political and economic spheres are closely interdependent, which significantly impedes the qualitative consolidation of the party system in general. The authors have concluded that the positive effect of state financing of political parties is primarily reflected in an increase in the level of openness in how the political parties function, the transparency of the parties' financial activities, the independence of the party system and the political transparency of civil society. ; [straipsnis, santrauka anglų kalba]

[full article, abstract in English; only abstract in Lithuanian] This paper offers a typology of different forms of political violence, linking them in a continuum and in an interdependent field of forces. The forms identified are systemic violence, institutional violence, group violence, armed struggle, terrorism and war. In the final section, after discussing how these types of violence influence one another, a strategy is suggested for their simultaneous reduction. ; [straipsnis ir santrauka anglų kalba, santrauka lietuvių kalba] Šis straipsnis pateikia skirtingų politinio smurto formų tipologiją, susiedamas jas į tam tikrą kontinuumą ir tarpusavyje susijusių jėgų lauką. Įvardytosios formos yra sisteminis smurtas, institucinis smurtas, grupinis smurtas, ginkluota kova, terorizmas ir karas. Paskutinėje dalyje, pateikus diskusiją apie įtaką, kurią šios smurto rūšys daro viena kitai, pasiūloma strategija, kaip suderintai ir vienu metu jas mažinti.