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This study compares members of political youth organisations and explains variations in material incentives for enrolment using both organisation-level and individual-level factors. Empirically, it is based on a web survey of about 3,000 members of eight Swedish youth organisations. The analysis shows that young people have a complex combination of concerns, with the main dividing line being whether or not material incentives are important. At the organisational level, the prevalence of material incentives among members is positively related to the size of the mother party and whether it has government experience. Further, we find a positive association between material incentives and economic dependence on the part of the youth organisation on its mother party. At the individual level, we find that members who see the main role of the youth organisation as being to provide support for the mother party and for those politically aligned with it are more likely to have material motives for their enrolment.

This study compares members of political youth organisations and explains variations in material incentives for enrolment using both organisation-level and individual-level factors. Empirically, it is based on a web survey of about 3,000 members of eight Swedish youth organisations. The analysis shows that young people have a complex combination of concerns, with the main dividing line being whether or not material incentives are important. At the organisational level, the prevalence of material incentives among members is positively related to the size of the mother party and whether it has government experience. Further, we find a positive association between material incentives and economic dependence on the part of the youth organisation on its mother party. At the individual level, we find that members who see the main role of the youth organisation as being to provide support for the mother party and for those politically aligned with it are more likely to have material motives for their enrolment.

Purpose: There is an impact analysis presented, which explores the long-term effect of extra-curricular political youth education from the perspective of participants. Methods: The former participants retell their own education and life stories about five years later. Life stories were then interpreted in the course of research workshops and reconstructed as individual studies.Findings: The impact analysis generated a typology of biographical sustainability and shows the effects of political youth education by means of single case analysis and case comprehensive topics.

"Die politische Netzaktivistenbewegung ist eine wissenschaftlich bisher wenig untersuchte Bewegung. Erst allmählich rückt die Bewegung in das Blickfeld, nicht zuletzt aufgrund der steigenden Bedeutung des Internets, für dessen Freiheit die Bewegung eintritt. Der Beitrag möchte diese politische Bewegung theoretisch, basierend auf der kritischen Technologie Theorie, deuten und empirisch etwas fassbarer machen. Hierbei soll auch geklärt werden, ob die Bewegung mit einer spezifischen Jugendkultur bzw. - szene einhergeht und wie sich die Transnationalität der Bewegung darstellt. Für den empirischen Zugang werden Daten aus einem Survey mit Jugendlichen sowie Material aus qualitativen Interviews mit jungen Netzaktivsten verwendet." (Autorenreferat)

A sample (N = 339) of young eligible voters (age 21-24), in Cambridge, Mass., were surveyed to determine factors influencing the liberal ideology, usually observable among younger voters. The community is largely Democratic. 'Agreement on candidate and party choice is highest between the young person and his family (parents and spouse), next highest with his friends, and least high with his fellow-workers.' Lower SE groups are more likely to reject parents' politics where strict discipline prevailed. Upward mobiles tend to adopt politics of the group into which they have moved, while downward mobiles remain Republican. Ideology of the upward mobile remains with group of origin, while the downward mobile adopt parts of ideology of their new class. Educated youth are more likely to change voting patterns, and to adopt an ideology that comports with voting; the less educated appear not to require consistency on this score. I. F. Lukoff.

Political participatlon has become very popular in recent years. Youth participation, in particular, has gained importance because politicians pay more attention to the participation of the youth, After the 1950s, the age oİ enfranchisement in most countries of the world decreased from twenty-one to eighteen. ln terms of pluralistic democracy, this change can be interpreted as an achievement. A pluralistic democracy collaborates with political elites. The public remains informed by the media, and their function is to Vote for a government. Under this system, the main concern is stability-if the system is stable, democracy will be successful. However, many critical scholars of democracy think that this assumption of a pluralistic democracy produces apathy among the masses. Apathy is a great danger to democracy. ln fact, scholars of pIuralistic democracy have always been aware of this apathy; they have only recently atfirmed it. Thus, my assumption is that the youth's apathy, in particular, is affirmed by the political system itself. The youth's role is restricted to voting, Moreover, the media plays an important role in shaping the people's attitude toward youth participation, What is the role of the media at this point? ln a democratic country, the media's main function is to keep the people informed. This view was criticized through research that focused on the media ownershıp, media logic, the strategic use of media technologies, and so on. ln this study, l want to focus on the framing effect that the media has on public opinion. l wish to study the framing effect as a descriptive tool. By using the episodic effect, the media can focus on partlcular aspects ot the youth's political participation. The media represents poljtical movements of the youth in a negative light, and thiS is considered a guide to being a 'normal' student, The media never examines the ways in which the youth can be more involved in the political environment of a country. l also analyse episodic framing practised by the print media in Turkey wıth respect to the political protests of the youth. My assumption is that the medıa supports the political system by encouraging political apathy among the youth. ln Turkey, the average age of participants of movements is between eighteen and twenty-one years (university students). The media labels the young people who participate in social movements'guilty', l studied print media news reports on a student protest held at the Ankara University's Faculty of Political Science on 8 December 2010. The students were protesting against a member of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, Burhan Kuzu; some Students even threw eggs at him, The press paid great attention to this event. For this purpose, l have employed the framing effect technique to analyse the three most popular news reports in Turkey for a week in December 2010 in an attempt to understand the relationship between youth participation and the framing etfect ol the media, ln brief, these reports declared the protesters terrorists and enemies of the public.

This research on the political tolerance among youth (high school & university students) is based on the theory & concepts by J. Sullivan & his associates (1979). The level of political tolerance of our respondents toward the least liked group depends largely on the group itself & the content of political freedom that is tolerable or intolerable. Averaging the responses to the six questions of political tolerance, only 35% of the respondents displayed political tolerance. This level of tolerance is closer to that of Israeli citizens than US or British. 9 Tables, 11 References. Adapted from the source document.