Suchergebnisse

Intro -- Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- 1 Introduction -- References -- 2 European Public Goods in the Neo-Medieval Model of Governance -- Theory of Public Goods -- What Are Public Goods? -- Externalities and the Role of State -- Problems in the Provision of Public Goods -- European Public Goods -- Neo-Medieval Paradigm -- What Is the Neo-Medievalism? -- Main Features of Neo-Medieval Paradigm -- Problems of Neo-Medievalism -- Neo-Medieval Provision of European Public Goods? -- Conclusion -- References -- 3 The European Union as a Republic -- Public Goods in the European Context -- Governing Externalities -- The Concept of the Republic -- Historic Roots -- The Republic and the State -- The Logic of Public Goods -- Public Goods, Republics and Citizenship -- Incentive Structures for the Provision of Public Goods -- The Euro and the European Republic -- Democracy and the Principal-Agent Relationship -- State and Republic -- The Sovereignty of the Citizens Against the Power of the State? -- The Federal Order of the Republic -- Conclusion -- References -- 4 On Paradigms and Public Goods: Has the Eurozone Crisis Changed the Economic Paradigm of EMU? -- The Crisis and the Euro Area's Dominant Paradigm -- Studying Policy Paradigms -- Ideas and Paradigms in the Study of Policy-making -- The Three Orders of Policy Change -- The Policy Paradigm of 'Stable Money and Sound Finances' -- Stable Money -- Sound Finances -- The Separation of Monetary and Fiscal Policy -- Major Responses to the Euro Area Crisis: Within or Beyond EMU's Paradigm? -- The Case of EMU Fiscal Surveillance Reform -- The Case of the ECB's Non-Standard Monetary Policy Measures -- Conclusion -- References -- 5 Principals and Agents in European Democracy -- The Pre-crisis Discussion About the Democratic Deficit of the European Union

The search for a republican morality provides an exciting new study of an important event in the French Revolution and a defining moment in the career of its principal actor, Maximilien Robespierre, the Festival of the Supreme Being. This day of national celebration was held to inaugurate the new state religion, the Cult of the Supreme Being, and whilst traditionally it has been dismissed as a compulsory political event, this book redefines its importance as a hugely popular national event. Hitherto unused or disregarded source material is used to offer new perspective to the national reaction to Robespierre's creation of the Festival and of his search for a new republican morality. It is the first ever detailed study in English of this area of French Revolutionary history, the first in any language since 1988 and will be welcomed by scholars and students of this period

This paper highlights the main difficulties faced by the Spanish political organizations in exile in the 1940s. Throughout this period, political parties and trade unions had to deal with the Republican defeat and the unlikely perspective of a short-term return. The integration process in the host countries and the possibilities for of a short-term return to Spain were highly conditioned by the internal and external stress to which the Republican exile was subject. In order to understand this process properly, this article focuses on the evolution of the political exile as a whole, addressing the principal conflicts that arose during this key period of its historical transformation. The main premise of the article centers on the broad variety of criteria within the organizations regarding the configuration of a common and unified response to Francoism., This division only weakened any option of achieving an effective combative action against the dictatorship. In addition to analyzing the divergent criteria of the exiles we will also focus on the international factors that affected the anti-Francoist cause during the 1940s. ; Este artículo explora las principales dificultades que debieron afrontar las organizaciones políticas en el exilio durante la década de los años cuarenta del siglo XX. En ese periodo, los partidos y organizaciones sindicales debieron digerir la derrota republicana y la pérdida de expectativas de un retorno factible a corto plazo. El exilio republicano se vio sometido a tensiones internas y externas que condicionaron su proceso de integración en los países de origen y sus expectativas de regreso a España. Para comprender este proceso, el artículo se centra en la evolución política del exilio en su conjunto, atendiendo a sus principales puntos de fricción durante esta década clave en su devenir histórico. La hipótesis de partida del trabajo trata de mostrar cómo la profunda disparidad de criterios existentes en el seno de las organizaciones a la hora de configurar una respuesta coordinada y unitaria frente al franquismo contribuyó a debilitar las opciones de influir en una acción de lucha eficaz contra la dictadura. Para ello, analizaremos esta pluralidad, así como los factores internacionales que condicionaron la lucha antifranquista desde el exilio en el periodo abordado.

The mid-thirteenth-century theorist and rhetorician Brunetto Latini proposed a vigorous republican account of the art of government and the nature of community in his encyclopedic treatise, Li Livres dou Tresor . The interpretation of Latini's republicanism has been heavily based on its literary sensibilities, its attachment to rhetoric, and its praise for classical civic virtues. But Latini deserves to be classified as a republican insofar as he founds social and political order upon commercial principles—the production and exchange of material goods for profit—and consequent economic defense of republican government. Hence, the example of Latini challenges one of the principal remaining barriers that supposedly separates medieval defenses of republicanism from Renaissance versions. The essay contends that Latini holds that self-governing institutions depend upon and are especially well suited to sustain a society whose conception of the common good includes the creation and exchange of those material necessities required for physical welfare and comfort.

This article claims that republicanism was present in the Hispanic World during the 15th and 16th centuries. The category Converso republican thought is proposed in order to refer to the specific circumstances in which it was developed in Fifteenth Century Castile. This label is therefore used as an alternative to the widely applied idea of civic humanism. The latter concept will be criticised because it lacks an understanding of the specificities of the Hispanic world thereby wrongfully excluding it from the history of republicanism. I will show that one of the main features of this Converso republican thought resides in its suggestive articulation and reciprocal nurturing between republican and Chris­tian theological elements. An articulation, the paper will demonstrate, that contributes to an inclusive political rationality. The article will exemplify this by drawing on Alonso de Cartagena's Defensorium unitatis christianae, written in 1449 –a treaty that can be taken as an epitome of this Converso repub­lican thought. ; Este artículo parte de la reivindicación de la presencia de republicanismo en el ámbito his­pánico en los siglos XV y XVI, y presenta la denominación pensamiento republicano converso para referir a la manifestación en la que éste se desarrolla en la Castilla del XV (categoría alternativa a la habitual etiqueta humanismo cívico, de la cual se presenta una crítica por no comprender una serie de especificidades de dicho ámbito y excluirlo por ello de la historia del republicanismo). Uno de los rasgos más característicos y principales del pensamiento republicano converso es su sugerente articula­ción y redimensión recíproca entre elementos republicanos y elementos de la teología cristiana, lo cual contribuye a elaborar una racionalidad política inclusiva. El Defensorium unitatis christianae, escrito en 1449 por Alonso de Cartagena es epítome de ello, de ahí que lo analicemos.

AbstractThis paper studies the impact of cultural integration on business cooperation in the Republican Era. We collect the composition of bank boards and directors' biographical details of 28 principal banks in China, compiling a panel dataset from 1921 to 1936. The data allows us to classify directors' merchant groups, a typical cultural reflection, thereby calculating the cultural difference at the bank‐pair level. Using the boards' cultural traits, we find cultural difference among bank boards is negatively related to their director‐sharing decisions, an indicator of inter‐bank cooperation. Also, cultural identity on boards facilitates banks to participate in loan syndicates with the yield and risk shared. Further composition tests show that cultural attitude towards clan orientation, trust and open spirit embedded in the business culture is the root of inter‐banking cooperation. The finding reveals the importance of informal institutions in financial development and contributes to the debate on cultural and institutional bifurcation between China and Europe.

This article considers the debate on the religious conflict in Republican-period Barcelona from a new perspective. More precisely, it examines how public memory provided a privileged symbolic backdrop for the struggle between the secular model and the Catholic model. The author analyses the unfolding of a new commemorative account, which expressed Republican, nationalist, working-class and lay sympathies. It describes the secularization of time and space carried out by the city's political and cultural elites, under the leadership of ERC (Republican Left of Catalonia). However, it maintains that there is a grammar and narrative semantics with Judeo-Christian echoes underlying this new republican memory. At the same time, it emphasises the efforts of Catholic citizens to maintain their visibility in the public space, precisely by means of the defence of their own culture of memory. The author also studies the position of the leading political forces of the time (ERC and the Lliga Regionalista) before the religious question, as well as their differing hermeneutics of the Catalan tradition. This research has been undertaken on the basis of a wide range of contemporary journalistic, bibliographical and administrative sources. The text considers the relationship between Republicanism and Catholicism from a new standpoint and offers a novel overview of social mind-sets and political activity in Barcelona under the Second Spanish Republic. ; Este artículo aborda el debate sobre la cuestión religiosa en la Barcelona republicana desde una nueva perspectiva. En concreto, estudia cómo la memoria pública fue un escenario simbólico privilegiado para el pulso entre el paradigma laico y el paradigma católico. El autor analiza el despliegue de un nuevo relato conmemorativo republicano, nacionalista, obrerista y laico. Describe la secularización del tiempo y del espacio que llevaron a cabo las élites políticas y culturales de la ciudad, comandadas por ERC. Sostiene, sin embargo, que en el trasfondo de la nueva memoria republicana subyace una gramática y una semántica narrativa de resonancias judeocristianas. Al mismo tiempo, remarca el esfuerzo de la ciudadanía católica por mantener su visibilidad en el espacio público, precisamente a través de la vindicación de la propia cultura de memoria. El autor estudia también el posicionamiento de las principales fuerzas políticas del momento (Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya y la Lliga Regionalista) ante la cuestión religiosa, así como su distinta hermenéutica de la tradición catalana. Esta investigación se lleva a cabo con una amplia gama de fuentes periodísticas, bibliográficas y administrativas de la época. El texto se aproxima a la relación entre republicanismo y catolicismo desde un prisma innovador y ofrece una nueva panorámica sobre los imaginarios sociales y la actividad política en la Barcelona de la Segunda República.

International audience The present contribution aims to analyse Irish women's engagement in the wake,during, and in the aftermath of the War of Independence against Britain (1919-21) through membership of the all-female revolutionary movement called Cumannna mBan. This organization was characterized by its social, cultural and religiousdiversity, which was federated under the Republican banner, to the detrimentof more militant agendas, notably feminism. Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari'sphilosophical analysis of the structure of the State and of the nature of oppositionmovements as developed in A Thousand Plateaus (1980) will provide a theoreticalexplanation for Cumann na mBan's diversity and how it was born out of a colonial,male-dominated social model. Part One will describe the key features of thisdiversity by reference to the Deleuzian concept of the "Rhizome" characterized byits non-causal, non-linear structure. Part Two will focus on the different mannersin which Cumann na mBan can be considered as the expression of a "becomingwoman",especially in the way it challenged the British State Appatarus in Irelandand its masculine nature with reference to the concept of "Faciality". Finally, PartThree will stress the reasons why this common engagement of women was shortlivedby analyzing it as a "becoming-minoritarian" War Machine, the aim of whichis the question the legitimacy of a State Apparatus from the outside; in the caseof Ireland, the State remained identical in nature and structure – only its nationalidentity changed. ; Le présent article est une analyse de l'engagement des femmes irlandaises dans l'organisation révolutionnaire féminine Cumann na mBan à la veille, pendant et après la guerre d'indépendance (1919-21). Hétérogénéité sociale, culturelle et religieuse sont les caractéristiques principales des membres d'un mouvement qui s'est fédéré autour de l'idéal républicain, au détriment d'autres revendications, féministes notamment. L'apport de la philosophie de Deleuze et Guattari à l'analyse politique ...

Este artículo analiza las variables políticas respecto al opio en la etapa inicial de la Turquía republicana y sus consecuencias políticas. Al inicio del siglo XX, la consideración pública del opio había sido reconstruida y se había afianzado la tesis de la necesidad de una prohibición selectiva, con el resultado de un conjunto de convenios internacionales. El nuevo régimen del opio diseñado por estos convenios afecto a la joven república de Turquía, que era uno de los países principales en la producción y comercio del opio mundial. A causa de las presiones políticas internacionales y del declive de los precios del opio, Turquía cambió radicalmente sus políticas en este campo en 1933, con la aprobación de una serie de leyes acordes con los convenios. Pese a que estas leyes fueron pensadas como solución final a los problemas del opio, su ejecución dio lugar a nuevas tensiones. En contra de la opinión dominante entre los historiadores de que las elites del estado kemalista funcionaron como un grupo homogéneo con escasos conflictos internos, este artículo revela un grado elevado de desacuerdo y conflicto. Las elites se dividieron entre quienes querían mantener los ingresos de las exportaciones y quienes defendían la aceptación de los convenios internacionales. Mientras que en el período de entreguerras dominaron los segundos, el inicio de la Segunda Guerra Mundial favoreció las prioridades económicas de los primeros, debido al crecimiento de la demanda de opio para fabricar morfina y al debilitamiento de la regulación internacional. ; This article examines the shifting opium policies of early republican Turkey and their politicalconsequences. By the turn of the 20th century, the mind‐set behind the opium policies had turned towards restriction and selective prohibition, resulting in binding international conventions. The new opium regime framed by these conventions directly affected the young Turkish Republic, one of the foremost opium producing and exporting countries in the world. Due to international political pressure and the economic downturn in the opium market, Turkey radically changed its opium policies in 1933 by enacting a series of laws compatible with international conventions. Although designed as the final solution to the on‐going opium problem, execution of this legislation created new tensions. Contrary to the dominant perception among early republican historiographers that the Kemalist state elites functioned as a homogenous entity with few inner conflicts, this article argues that implementation of the opium laws revealed a significant degree of disagreement and controversy among Turkish ruling elites. They were split along policy lines privileging export revenue derived from opium versus adherence to the conventional obligations. While the interwar era witnessed continuous struggles between these two groups and their policy formulations, the outbreak of World War II favoured the economic priorities due to an increased demand for opium to obtain morphine, along with the erosion of the international regulatory basis.

La filosofía jurídico-política kantiana es —desde hace varios años— protagonista de primer nivel en los debates sobre la justicia, la propiedad y la pobreza. El renacimiento vino de la mano del trabajo de varios filósofos y juristas que, afortunadamente, se apartan de los incómodos y desacertados apodos que recibió Kant en la segunda mitad del siglo pasado: "Kant el político moralista", "Kant liberal", "Kant, el defensor de la propiedad privada exclusiva y excluyente". Ha vuelto ahora con renovado y creciente interés, el "Kant republicano", luego de casi dos siglos de olvidos. No pretendo realizar una reseña de la abundante bibliografía de uno y otro período interpretativo —el del Kant liberal y el del Kant republicano—; el objetivo principal de este trabajo es recuperar algunas piezas del Kant republicano de la mano de la tradición republicana histórica que se inicia con Aristóteles y reaparece, con fuerza renovada, en algunos representantes modernos del derecho natural, siendo Kant uno de ellos. Comenzaré con una reseña acerca de lo que juzgo como la interpretación contemporánea más influyente sobre la justicia en Kant, la de John Rawls; para luego apuntar algunas tesis sobre el valor de la concepción kantiana de la justicia pública, entendida como el imprescindible correlato institucional del derecho a la libertad innata, el único derecho natural inalienable. ; Kantian political philosophy has been —for several years now— a first-level protagonist in the debates on justice, property, and poverty. This renaissance came from the work of several philosophers and legal scholars who, fortunately, have departed from the unfortunate nicknames Kant received in the second half of the last century: "The moralist politician," "the liberal," "the defender of exclusive private property." After almost two centuries, the "republican" Kant has returned with renewed and growing interest. In this paper, I do not intend to review the abundant bibliography of these two interpretive periods —that of the liberal Kant and that of the republican Kant. My main objective, instead, is to recover some aspects of the republican Kant considering the historical republican tradition that begins with Aristotle and reappears with renewed strength in some modern representatives of natural law theory, Kant among them. I begin with a review of what I judge to be the most influential contemporary interpretation of Kant's conception of justice, that of John Rawls. Then, I offer some ideas about the value of Kant's conception of public justice, understood as the essential institutional correlate of the right to innate freedom, the only inalienable natural right.

Este artículo estudia la formación y la evolución del negrinismo en el exilio republicano en México. Tras la derrota republicana en 1939, un sector importante de los vencidos procedentes de todos los partidos políticos, encontraron en la figura de Juan Negrín un referente y una esperanza. Asociada a su figura y a la defensa de la legalidad republicana, sus partidarios articularon una red política transversal, en la que participaron exiliados socialistas y de otros partidos políticos. En este trabajo estudiamos las principales contribuciones de este grupo en el exilio mexicano, trataremos de analizar la composición del grupo, así como sus diferencias con el líder, Juan Negrín, en torno a la estrategia política y los modos de relacionarse con otros grupos del exilio. ; This paper analyses the organization and the evolution of the so called "negrinismo" in the Spanish Republican exile in Mexico. After the 1939 Republican defeat, the leading figure of Juan Negrin was seen as an example and a hope by a quiet an important sector of the defeated ones coming from all the political spectrum. Juan Negrin supporters assembled a cross-wise political network related to his leading figure and to the Republican legality defence. Exiled from the Socialist and other political parties took part in this network. This paper focus on this group main contributions in the Mexican exile and it also analyses the group composition, as well as the controversy created between the group and its leader, Juan Negrin, regarding the political strategy and the relationship with other exiled groups.

En este trabajo defendemos, en clave republicana, la pertinencia del Ingreso Ciudadano para mitigar, más adecuadamente que otras medidas focalizadas, las inequidades de género propias del sistema capitalista. Sostenemos que es la única medida disponible capaz de afectar simultáneamente lo que consideramos los dos principales ámbitos de dominación patriarcal-patrimonial: el doméstico y el empresarial. Nuestra defensa republicana consiste en promover, dentro de los estudios de género, la incorporación del concepto de dominación, al permitir éste salvar las confusiones que generan las más conocidas dicotomías conceptuales, como la de producción/reproducción, irrelevante políticamente, y la de público/privado, con frecuencia utilizada a-histórica y a-institucionalmente. ; Based on a republican conception, we defend Citizen Income [Ingreso Ciudadano] as a superior way, relative to other targeted measures, to mitigate the gender inequalities that are characteristic of capitalism. We pose that Citizen Income is the only available measure that is capable of simultaneously affecting what we take to be the two main sites of patriarchal-patrimonial domination: the domestic and corporate domains. Our republican argument promotes the inclusion of the concept of domination in gender studies, since that concept allows to solve the confusions that the best-known conceptual dichotomies generate, such as the production/reproduction dichotomy, which is politically irrelevant, and the public/private one, which is often used in an ahistorical way and lacking an institutional foundation.

Luis Alcoriza, Spanish republican exile in Mexico, developed his career as an actor, writer and director in his adopted country giving her some of his best films. In his exile he had before as objective to show the changes in Mexican society and its major political problems. Essential figure in the evolution of Mexican cinema in the second half of the twentieth century stands as one of the prime examples of the phenomenon of mexicanización of exiled filmmakers. ; Luis Alcoriza, exiliado republicano español en México, desarrolló su carrera como actor, guionista y director en su patria de adopción dándola algunas de sus mejores películas. En su condición de exiliado dispuso de mayor objetividad para mostrar los cambios de la sociedad mexicana y de sus principales problemas políticos. Figura imprescindible de la evolución del Cine Mexicano de la segunda mitad del siglo XX, se configura como uno de los principales ejemplos del fenómeno de mexicanización de los cineastas exiliados.Luis Alcoriza, Spanish republican exile in Mexico, developed his career as an actor, writer and director in his adopted country giving her some of his best films. In his exile he had before as objective to show the changes in Mexican society and its major political problems. Essential figure in the evolution of Mexican cinema in the second half of the twentieth century stands as one of the prime examples of the phenomenon of mexicanización of exiled filmmakers.

The maritime district of Alicante stood at a distance from the battle fronts during the Spanish Civil War in 1936, and its seaports carried on with their commercial activity regulated by the central Republican government from the beginning of the conflict until its end. In fact, the war ended at Alicante's seaport on 1 April 1939. This circumstance makes Alicante's Customs an exceptional place to observe and verify the internal consequences of the foreign trade policy carried out by the central Republican government during the Civil War. In this article, by means of the historical documents from Alicante's Customs, we analyse the Republican foreign trade legislation and its impact on exporters and importers during the war years. ; El distrito marítimo de Alicante se mantuvo alejado de los frentes de batalla durante toda la Guerra Civil española de 1936 y sus puertos marítimos tuvieron una actividad mercante continuada, que estuvo regulada por el sistema administrativo del gobierno central de la República desde los inicios del conflicto hasta el final. De hecho, la guerra terminó en el puerto de Alicante el 1 de abril de 1939. Esta circunstancia convierte a la Aduana de Alicante en un espacio privilegiado para observar y verificar las consecuencias internas de la política comercial exterior del gobierno central republicano durante la guerra. En este artículo, se hace un análisis legislativo de la política comercial exterior republicana de guerra y de su repercusión sobre los exportadores e importadores a través de la documentación histórica de la Aduana Principal de Alicante.