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AbstractIn this study, I offer a categorization of Salafism based on the concept of vanguardism. Vanguardism suggests how Salafis inhabit the political domain, by posing as the vanguard of a privileged group endowed with a historical mission. Relatedly, I summon the Gramscian concept of "philosophy of praxis." With this, I intend to reconfigure Wiktorowicz's classificatory scheme predicated on too stark an opposition between 'aqīdah (theory) and manhaj (method). The philosophy of praxis accounts for the inherent tension between these two domains. Such tension is manifest in Salafis' ambiguities, compromises, internal rifts, ideological adjustments, and revisions. Two related Gramscian concepts, historical bloc and modern Prince, bring such considerations more immediately into the political. They highlight, respectively, the political-historical context in which Salafis operate and the political-historical role they play as instances of vanguardism. I then put forth my classificatory scheme in the form of a typology. One axis is represented by the attitude towards the "historical bloc" (pro or anti) and the kind of vanguard posturing that emerges out of it (support, creation, or activation). The other axis is represented by the specific framing of the "Enemy" category on the part of the Salafi vanguard (historical/institutional or essential/identitarian), and the stance they consequently assume towards it (compromise/accommodation or rejection/denunciation). The resulting classification offers six categories (accommodationists, partisans, delayers, agitators, mobilizers, and belligerents). Stressing the fundamental political nature of contemporary Salafism—its vanguardism—they account for its inscription in a specific, modern way of thinking and acting the political.

Introduction / par Bernard Rougier 1. - Première partie : Trajectoires du salafisme : du désert d'Arabie au cyber-espace. - Le salafisme en Arabie Saoudite / par David Commins 25. - L'apport de Muhammad Nasir Al-Din Al-Albani au salafisme contemporain / par Stéphane Lacroix 45. - Le jihad en Afghanistan et l'émergence du salafisme-jihadisme / par Bernard Rougier 65. - Le rôle d'Internet dans la diffusion de la doctrine salafiste / Par Dominique Thomas 87. - Deuxième partie : le salafisme dans l'espace arabe. - La Péninsule 105. - Violence politique en Arabie Saoudite : grandeur et décadence d' "Al-Qaida dans la péninsule arabique" / par Thomas Hegghammer 105. - Koweït : salafismes et rapports au pouvoir / par Carine Lahoud 123. - L'illusion apolitique : adaptations, évolutions et instrumentalisations du salafisme yéménite / par Laurent Bonnefoy 137. - Le Machrek 161. - L'évolution du salafisme en Syrie au XXe siècle / par Arnaud Lenfant 161. - Fatah Al-Islam : un réseau jihadiste au coeur des contradictions libanaises / par Bernard Rougier 179. - Le Maghreb 211. - Les attentats du 16 mai 2003 à Casablanca et l'émergence du salafisme jihadiste / par Abdallah Tourabi 211. - Troisième partie : La dynamique salafiste en France. - Être salafiste en France / par Mohammed Adraoui 231. - La France face au terrorisme islamique : une typologie du salafisme jihadiste / par Samir Amghar 243. - Trajectoires de Salafis français en Égypte / par Romain Caillet 257

Artikel ini berkesimpulan bahwa ada hubungan genealogis yang kuat antara hadis, ideologi salafisme dan terorisme global. Salafisme menempatkan hadis sebagai worldview dan menekankan pemaknaan tekstual terhadap hadis Nabi saw. Ketika bertemu kepentingan politik, ideologi ini melahirkan aksi-aksi kekerasan global yang terbingkai dalam diskursus global terrorism. Pandangan ini dikemukakan sejumlah sarjana seperti Anne Speckhard dan Khapta Akhmedova, Mumtaz Ahmad, dan Yoginder Sikand. Dalam melakukan kajian ini, penulis menggunakan pendekatan sejarah intelektual (intellectual history) dengan menganalisis sejarah ide salafisme, perumusan pandangan dunia berbasis hadis (hadith worldview) dan metode pemahaman tekstualis.

"Violent Islamic extremism is affecting a growing number of countries in sub-Saharan Africa. In some, jihadi Salafi organizations have established home bases and turned into permanent security challengers. However, other countries have managed to prevent the formation or curb the spread of homegrown jihadi Salafi organizations. In this book, Sebastian Elischer provides a comparative analysis of how different West and East African states have engaged with fundamentalist Muslim groups between the 1950s and today. In doing so, he establishes a causal link between stateimposed organizational gatekeepers in the Islamic sphere and the absence of homegrown jihadi Salafism. Illustrating that the contemporary manifestation of violent Islamic extremism in sub-Saharan Africa is an outcome of strategic political decisions that are deeply embedded in countries' autocratic pasts, he challenges conventional notions of statehood on the African continent, and provides new insight into the evolving relationships between secular and religious authority"--

This article explores Salafism movement between ideology and violence. Categorically, salafi movement can be categorized in two forms. First, salafi. This group berorintasi the purification of faith to make improvements through individual, family, and community structure. Second, salafi jihadi. Although this group also aims to purification, but this group tends to be politically, do not even hesitate to commit violence. However, they both have the desire to realize a people as a form of community of believers. In the end, according to Bernard Haykel, Salafism least understood of the three basic constitution. First, theology embodied in the doctrine of monotheism. In matters of theology, all members of this movement looks unanimously agreed. Second, the law, which pivots on the issue of ijtihad. Although there are differences in attitude, but most of the salafi found ijtihad is a necessity, while taqlîd should be avoided, even by Muslims who are not educated though. Third, the political, which is determined by the methodology of their choice to realize the desire involved in the international arena.

This article is an inquiry into how the transnational networks of Salafism in Europe and the Middle East are structured by looking at two case studies: one about a Lebanese-Palestinian preacher in Sweden and one about a Dutch preacher in the Netherlands and theuk. By presenting these case studies we explain the predominance of informality in these networks, and highlight the different ways in which they link European Salafi preachers to the Middle East, yielding different types of social capital. Our findings are based on ethnographic fieldwork in Lebanon, the Netherlands, Sweden and theukbetween 2007 and 2012.

The past two decades have seen an increasing association between Lebanese Salafism and violence, with less attention being paid to Salafis who focus on peaceful proselytization. In reality, it is these Salafis whose influence has dramatically grown since the eruption of the Syrian conflict that profoundly affected Lebanon as well. Based on extensive fieldwork, Zoltan Pall offers insights into the dynamics of non-violent Lebanese Salafi groups and examines the importance of transnational links in shaping the trajectory of the movement. In particular, he shows how the internal transformation of Salafism in Kuwait, Qatar and Saudi Arabia led to the fragmentation of the Lebanese Salafi community. By analysing Salafism as a network, we see how the movement creates and mobilizes material and symbolic resources, and how it contributes to reshaping the structures of authority within the country's Sunni Muslim community

This article seeks to identify the driving factors, features, and significance of the transformation of Salafism in contemporary Muslim societies, a development labeled 'post-Salafism'. Throughout the 20th century, Salafism grew into a global religious movement, with distinctive local characteristics. Its post-Salafi transformations have likewise been diverse and reflect local conditions. 'Post-Salafism' is a term employed congruently to point at the fragmentation of Salafi religious authority; the emergence of Salafi alliances with other Muslim groups, which challenge Salafi conceptions of doctrinal superiority; in Salafi softening of sectarian rhetoric as a way of distancing from militant groups; in Salafi "indigenization"; and in social and political transformations that overlap with post-Islamism. Post-Salafism refers additionally to debates within Salafi circles, reflective of emerging internal doctrinal contradictions. Since the founding of Saudi Arabia in 1932, the kingdom has played a unique role in promoting, financing, and building the institutional network of global Salafism. The transformation of Saudi Salafism, therefore, resulting from changes in government policy, public pressure, and internal revisionism, will effect Salafism globally, pointing at a transformative moment in Muslim religious thought and authority structures.

The spectre of Boko Haram and its activities in Nigeria dominates both media and academic analysis of Islam in the region. But, as Alexander Thurston argues here, beyond the sensational headlines this group generates, the dynamics of Muslim life in northern Nigeria remain poorly understood. Drawing on interviews with leading Salafis in Nigeria as well as on a rereading of the history of the global Salafi movement, this volume explores how a canon of classical and contemporary texts defines Salafism. Examining how these texts are interpreted and - crucially - who it is that has the authority to do so, Thurston offers a systematic analysis of curricula taught in Saudi Arabia and how they shape religious scholars' approach to religion and education once they return to Africa. Essential for scholars of religion and politics, this unique text explores how the canon of Salafism has been used and refined, from Nigeria's return to democracy to the jihadist movement Boko Haram.