Suchergebnisse

Modem state-political integration processes include more than formation of new supranational organizations with a dominating institutional aspect of integration (global parliament, global government) and universalization of political and economic liberalism, and on the plane of citizenship identity - a "loyality transfer from the old to the new centre". These processes also include some accompanying ones regarding political and social (re)organization of particular countries, especially those on the dramatical transition path, in search for their own development strategy, while simultaneously taking part in wider integrations. Internal state and society (national and social) integration is the key issue of some countries' future. Therefore the issue of state (national) integration and its major postulates is both an important theoretic subject and the interest position of the majority of transitional countries.

In many nations around the world, it is unfortunately common for an individual's character and potential to be judged by their racial or ethnic identity. As a result, even many developed countries continue to struggle with socially ingrained prejudices, which act detrimentally in relation to the advancement of social integration. The purpose of this research paper is to identify the key issues that different countries face in terms of tolerant coexistence between racial and ethnic groups, and to determine what policies or programs may help to counteract tension between these groups and allow for the advancement social integration. The three countries that will be focused on will be China, Japan, and the United States. These countries were chosen due to their exceptionally different policies concerning immigration and the rights of minority groups, as well as their differing pre-existing records of social integration programs. This study will determine what variety of potential social integration policies may be applied in a way that can benefit each nation, if each nation's respective societal issues render said programs as viable options. The end-goal of this research paper is to shed light on the potential for various peoples in different countries to live in relative peace and show benefit in extending developmental programs and equal access to governmental protections and resources to citizens of all racial and ethnic groups, rather than simply those constituting a majority.

Despite its highly visible physical reunification, Berlin has social fault lines that seriously challenge the city?s integration. This article reviews the multiple cleavages that crisscross Berlin?s social fabric and assesses whether and how these divides are being bridged. East-West, neighborhood, religious, national/ethnic, and socioeconomic fractures remain wide. Even the social construction of the city?s history and the embedding of collective memory in the built environment are occasions for division. Hopeful signs of increasing social integration, however, are found in the new memorials, creative multicultural forms, vibrant and diverse immigrant neighborhoods, ethnic intermarriage, and other indicators. Under conditions of severe fiscal crisis, policies such as housing renovation, the Social City Program, local nonprofit labor market initiatives, and expanded language instruction are among the deliberate attempts to promote social integration in the "New" Berlin.

In many nations around the world, it is unfortunately common for an individual's character and potential to be judged by their racial or ethnic identity. As a result, even many developed countries continue to struggle with socially ingrained prejudices, which act detrimentally in relation to the advancement of social integration. The purpose of this research paper is to identify the key issues that different countries face in terms of tolerant coexistence between racial and ethnic groups, and to determine what policies or programs may help to counteract tension between these groups and allow for the advancement social integration. The three countries that will be focused on will be China, Japan, and the United States. These countries were chosen due to their exceptionally different policies concerning immigration and the rights of minority groups, as well as their differing pre-existing records of social integration programs. This study will determine what variety of potential social integration policies may be applied in a way that can benefit each nation, if each nation's respective societal issues render said programs as viable options. The end-goal of this research paper is to shed light on the potential for various peoples in different countries to live in relative peace and show benefit in extending developmental programs and equal access to governmental protections and resources to citizens of all racial and ethnic groups, rather than simply those constituting a majority.

From being a relatively peripheral concern, migration has since the late 1980s moved swiftly up the policy-making agenda to become an issue of public debate. International conferences on migration issues have proliferated, and newspapers and magazines carry lengthy features on migrants, refugees and asylum-seekers almost daily. At the same time, xenophobia and racism have become prominent once again. Migration, however, has long been a feature of the world stage, and during many periods it has been seen as a beneficial phenomenon. Moreover, despite the current anxieties, many still think that migration makes a positive contribution. This paper places human migration and displacement within the context of globalization, economic and political restructuring, and social integration. It demonstrates the ambiguous impact of migration on social integration: the paradox of today's migration is that it is or may be both disintegrative and integrative, both in migrants' countries of origin and destination.

The author examines the impact of social integration and the social environment on conventional and unconventional modes of political participation. Specifically, he examines the thesis that more social kinds of participation are more strongly affected by the social environment than are more individual kinds of political acts. The author finds that the ex ante categorization of participatory acts into social and individual ones is less helpful for understanding the effects of the social environment than the distinction between conventional, institutionalized acts on one hand and unconventional, uninstitutionalized acts on the other. Conventional activities are more strongly influenced by an individual's exposure to, interaction with, and integration into the community, whereas the social environment is a less important factor for stimulating unconventional political participation.

The article is concerned with the role played by rituals in the politics of advanced industrial societies. First, after considering the disputes of the anthropologists, a working definition of ritual is offered. The central, critical part of the paper discusses a range of attempts that have been made to apply a particular theory of ritual—the Durkheimian theory—to the politics of modern societies, specifically the United States and Britain. These `neo-Durkheimian' analyses (of Shils and Young, Blumler et al., Lloyd Warner, Bellah and Verba) are criticized for using too simple a notion of social integration, and for making too narrow a selection and offering too narrow an analysis of political rituals. Their approach is further criticized for closing off a whole range of significant and critical questions about political rituals—questions which bring out their cognitive role and the cognitive dimension of the exercise of power in stratified, conflictual and pluralistic modern industrial societies. Finally, it is suggested that, once those questions are asked, one arrives at a view of many political rituals that pictures them, not as promoting value integration, but as crucial elements in the `mobilization of bias'.