Suchergebnisse

In the introduction to this volume, the author explains why social historians should study the relationship between humour and social protest in the past. The following questions are of interest. Under what conditions did laughter serve the cause of the protesters? How did humour strengthen social protest? And to what degree has humour been an effective tool for contentious social movements? Recent developments in the field of social movement theory regarding framing, collective identity, and emotions are combined with insights from humorology. A short account of the individual contributions follow: they range from the Zapatistas in Mexico to Vietnamese garment workers, from sixteenth-century Augsburg to Madrid and Stockholm in the 1990s. The findings point, above all, to the power of humour in the framing of political protest. Humour was used in quite different political opportunity structures, from open democratic societies to harsh repressive regimes. Often, humour furthered the development of the collective identity of a social movement, whereas in several cases humour acted as a powerful communication tool, serving as a true "weapon of the weak".

In an introduction to the content & dominant themes of this book (see abstracts in IRPS No. 88), it is suggested that despite the tremendous importance of the state in shaping social movements, the relationship between these often oppositional forces is rarely examined in detail. In its role as the primary distributor of socially valued goods, the state is frequently the focus & antagonist of social movements. Social movements must come into contact with the state in order to significantly alter the social institutions & practices that shape the social & political world. The politics of social protest movements in Western democracies are depicted as a four-way interaction between citizens, social movements, the political representation system, & the state. It is argued that the electoral system creates opportunities for social movements, & that social movements shape the electoral system & politics through their manipulation of the political system. The central concerns & theoretical conclusions of the contributing authors are briefly discussed. 1 Figure. T. Sevier

What role has religion played in social protest movements? This important book examines how activists have used religious resources such as liturgy, prayer, song and vestments with a focus on the following global case studies: The mid-twentieth century US civil rights movement. The late twentieth century antiabortion movement in the United States of America. The early twenty-first century water protectors' movement at Standing Rock, North Dakota. Indian independence led by Mohandas Gandhi in the early 1930s. The Polish Solidarity movement of the 1980s. The South African anti-apartheid movement of the 1980s and 1990s. Prayer as a sacred act is usually associated with piety and pacifism; however, it can be argued that those who pray in public while protesting are more likely to encounter violence. Drawing on journalistic accounts, participant reflections, and secondary literature, Religion and Social Protest Movements offers both historical and theoretical perspectives on the persistent correlation of the use of public prayer with an increase in conflict and violence. This book is an important read for students and researchers in history and religious studies, and those in related fields such as sociology, African-American studies, and Native American studies.

"China has witnessed numerous incidents of social protests over the past three decades. Protests create uncertainty for authoritarian governments, and the Chinese government has created, strengthened, and coordinated multiple dispute-resolution institutions to manage social conflicts and protests. Accommodating the aggrieved prevents the accumulation of grievances in society, but concessions require resources. As the frequency and scale of collective action are closely tied to the political opportunity for action, the Chinese government has also contained collective action by shaping the political opportunity available to the aggrieved. This study shows that when the Chinese central government prioritizes social control, as it has under Xi Jinping's leadership, it signals its preference and that it will tolerate local governments' use of coercion. As a result, the central and local governments create an environment that is not conducive to the mobilization of collective action. Although reactive collective actions have still occurred in China, large-scale occurrences have been uncommon in recent years"--

"What role has religion played in social protest movements? This important book examines how activists have used religious resources such as liturgy, prayer, song and vestments with a focus on the following global case studies: The mid-twentieth century US civil rights movement in the United States of America; the late twentieth century anti-abortion movement in the United States of America; the early twenty first century water protectors' movement at Standing Rock, North Dakota; Indian independence led by Mohandas Gandhi in the early 1930s; the Polish solidarity movement of the 1980s; the South African anti-apartheid movement of the 1980s and 1990s. Prayer as a sacred act is usually associated with piety and pacifism, however it can be argued that those who pray in public while protesting are more likely to encounter violence. Drawing on journalistic accounts, participant reflections, and secondary literature, Religion and Social Protest Movements offers both historical and theoretical perspectives on the persistent correlation of the use public prayer with an increase in conflict and violence. This book is an important read for students and researchers in history and religious studies, and those in related fields such as sociology, African-American studies, and Native American studies"--

The following article presents a series of hypotheses to analyze the possible transitions between protest and civil war and their relation to inequality. To do so, the article presents an analysis on the emergence of protests and its relation with the increase in inequality across the world. This increase in inequality can in fact lead to social unrest, instability and in some cases facilitate the emergence of future armed conflicts. Thus this scenario of increased inequality presents different possible trajectories: 1) protest generated by inequality can escalate into civil conflicts and civil war, or 2) protest generated by inequality can facilitate processes of participation and democratic consolidation. The possibility of either of these transitions taking place is defined by the structural conditions that define the interactions between protestors and authorities in particular settings.

The following article presents a series of hypotheses to analyze the possible transitions between protest and civil war and their relation to inequality. To do so, the article presents an analysis on the emergence of protests and its relation with the increase in inequality across the world. This increase in inequality can in fact lead to social unrest, instability and in some cases facilitate the emergence of future armed conflicts. Thus this scenario of increased inequality presents different possible trajectories: 1) protest generated by inequality can escalate into civil conflicts and civil war, or 2) protest generated by inequality can facilitate processes of participation and democratic consolidation. The possibility of either of these transitions taking place is defined by the structural conditions that define the interactions between protestors and authorities in particular settings.

The following article presents a series of hy- potheses to analyze the possible transitions between protest and civil war and their relation to inequality. To do so, the article presents an analysis on the emergence of protests and its re- lation with the increase in inequality across the world. This increase in inequality can in fact lead to social unrest, instability and in some cases facilitate the emergence of future armed conflicts. Thus this scenario of increased in- equality presents different possible trajectories: 1) protest generated by inequality can escalate into civil conflicts and civil war, or 2) protest generated by inequality can facilitate processes of participation and democratic consolidation. The possibility of either of these transitions taking place is defined by the structural condi tions that define the interactions between pro- testors and authorities in particular settings.

China has witnessed numerous incidents of social protests over the past three decades. Protests create uncertainty for authoritarian governments, and the Chinese government has created, strengthened, and coordinated multiple dispute-resolution institutions to manage social conflicts and protests. Accommodating the aggrieved prevents the accumulation of grievances in society, but concessions require resources. As the frequency and scale of collective action are closely tied to the political opportunity for action, the Chinese government has also contained protest by shaping the political opportunity available to the aggrieved. Cai and Chen show that when the Chinese central government prioritizes social control, as it has under Xi Jinping's leadership, it signals that it will tolerate local governments' use of coercion. The result is an environment that is not conducive to the mobilization of collective action, large-scale occurrences of which have been uncommon in China in recent years.

Hopkins, Nicholas S.: Preface: political and social protest in Egypt. - S. 1-5 Springborg, Robert: Protest against a hybrid state: words without meaning? - S. 6-18 Booth, Marilyn: Exploding into the seventies: Ahmad Fu'ad Nigm, Sheikh Imam, and the aesthetics of a new youth politics. - S. 19-44 Saiyid, Mustafa Kamil as-: Kefaya at a turning point. - S. 45-59 Bernard-Maugiron, Nathalie: Judges as reform advocates: a lost battle? - S. 60-84 Bush, Ray: When "enough" is not enough: resistance during accumulation by dispossession. - S. 85-99 Clément, Françoise: Worker protests under economic liberalization in Egypt. - S. 100-116 Mahdi, Rabab el-: A feminist movement in Egypt? - S. 117-134 Soliman, Samer: The radical turn of Coptic activism: path to democracy or to sectarian politics? - S. 135-154 Naguib, Sameh: The Muslim brotherhood: contradictions and transformations. - S. 155-174