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In recent years, the smog problem has aroused wide concern in China. However, people have different perceptions of the severity of air pollution, even in similarly polluted environments. Based on a quantitative analysis of Chinese General Social Survey data, air quality index data, news reports in 2013, and multi-site anthropological observations, this paper demonstrates that the public perception of air pollution is not determined by physiological feelings and the external environment, but rather by the media, social networks, and other sociocultural factors, which are highly localized. This creates a hidden form of spatial injustice—people living in regions that lack a social milieu of smog awareness are less likely to sense smog and to take precautions; they are therefore left behind in the perception of air pollution and in their chances of preventing illnesses associated with air pollution.

A large share of the African American population in the U.S. lives in poor areas characterized by high unemployment, low housing quality, and unhealthy living conditions, thus making low socioeconomic status a critical risk factor. Consequently, the higher Covid-19 death toll paid by Black Americans has been linked to the Redlining policies introduced by the Home Owners Loan Corporation in the 1930s. These policies are believed to have contributed to the development of segregated neighborhoods and ghettoization. Nowadays, we implicitly support a new form of Redlining, which comes in the different shape of the formal/informal market divide in housing. In fact, two pathways to homeownership have always existed in this legal framework. On the one hand, there is a well-established legal regime that provides families with a secure and marketable title to their homes. On the other hand, an informal regime is applied where the most vulnerable citizens (such as Blacks, Latinos, immigrants, and the poor) buy 'on contract'. This is similar to an installment land contract whereby the seller can easily repossess the house since they are entitled to evict the would-be owner even when a single monthly payment is missed. Indeed, such contracts grew in number particularly in the aftermath of the 2007 subprime mortgage crisis, when the lack of equal access to credit for homeownership led many people to buy houses 'on contract'. The article aims to show how these predatory lending practices, by fostering ghettoization, favored inequalities and jeopardized the spatial allocation of justice in the U.S.

The Environment as a Factor of Spatial Injustice: A New Challenge for the Sustainable Development of European Regions?

International audience The past several decades, segregation has been widely discussed by social scientists and especially by geographers. But whatever the focus of their studies (on the problem of measuring segregation, on the mechanism explaining the development of the phenomenon, etc.), almost all of them considered segregation as a spatial injustice. This paper closely examines this implicit relationship between segregation and injustice by reviewing the existing literature from different fields (geography, sociology, history, urban studies, political science, philosophy, etc.): is the segregated city unjust by essence? Is any social-spatial division of space – of urban space in particular – unjust? If not, when is it to be considered unjust? Conversely, is the diverse city the model of a just city? All these questions imply to carefully question the underlying assumptions that most of contemporary discourses make when dealing with segregation. ; Depuis plusieurs décennies, la ségrégation est un thème abondamment investi par les sciences sociales en général et par la géographie en particulier. Or quelles que soient les orientations adoptées (portant sur la question de la mesure du phénomène, ou celle des mécanismes, etc.), presque toutes ces recherches assimilent la ségrégation à une injustice spatiale. C'est cette implicite corrélation ségrégation/injustice que cet article examinera de plus près, à travers une revue de la littérature de différents champs disciplinaires (géographie, sociologie, histoire, urbanisme, sciences politiques, philosophie) : la ville ségrégée est-elle injuste par essence ? Toute division socio spatiale de l'espace – urbain en particulier – est-elle injuste ? Sinon, quand doit-elle être considérée comme injuste ? Et inversement, la ville mixte est-elle le modèle de la ville juste, vers lequel on doit tendre ? Autant de questions qui invitent à réinterroger les présupposés sur lesquels reposent de nombreux discours sur la ségrégation aujourd'hui.

International audience ; The past several decades, segregation has been widely discussed by social scientists and especially by geographers. But whatever the focus of their studies (on the problem of measuring segregation, on the mechanism explaining the development of the phenomenon, etc.), almost all of them considered segregation as a spatial injustice. This paper closely examines this implicit relationship between segregation and injustice by reviewing the existing literature from different fields (geography, sociology, history, urban studies, political science, philosophy, etc.): is the segregated city unjust by essence? Is any social-spatial division of space – of urban space in particular – unjust? If not, when is it to be considered unjust? Conversely, is the diverse city the model of a just city? All these questions imply to carefully question the underlying assumptions that most of contemporary discourses make when dealing with segregation. ; Depuis plusieurs décennies, la ségrégation est un thème abondamment investi par les sciences sociales en général et par la géographie en particulier. Or quelles que soient les orientations adoptées (portant sur la question de la mesure du phénomène, ou celle des mécanismes, etc.), presque toutes ces recherches assimilent la ségrégation à une injustice spatiale. C'est cette implicite corrélation ségrégation/injustice que cet article examinera de plus près, à travers une revue de la littérature de différents champs disciplinaires (géographie, sociologie, histoire, urbanisme, sciences politiques, philosophie) : la ville ségrégée est-elle injuste par essence ? Toute division socio spatiale de l'espace – urbain en particulier – est-elle injuste ? Sinon, quand doit-elle être considérée comme injuste ? Et inversement, la ville mixte est-elle le modèle de la ville juste, vers lequel on doit tendre ? Autant de questions qui invitent à réinterroger les présupposés sur lesquels reposent de nombreux discours sur la ségrégation aujourd'hui.

International audience ; The past several decades, segregation has been widely discussed by social scientists and especially by geographers. But whatever the focus of their studies (on the problem of measuring segregation, on the mechanism explaining the development of the phenomenon, etc.), almost all of them considered segregation as a spatial injustice. This paper closely examines this implicit relationship between segregation and injustice by reviewing the existing literature from different fields (geography, sociology, history, urban studies, political science, philosophy, etc.): is the segregated city unjust by essence? Is any social-spatial division of space – of urban space in particular – unjust? If not, when is it to be considered unjust? Conversely, is the diverse city the model of a just city? All these questions imply to carefully question the underlying assumptions that most of contemporary discourses make when dealing with segregation. ; Depuis plusieurs décennies, la ségrégation est un thème abondamment investi par les sciences sociales en général et par la géographie en particulier. Or quelles que soient les orientations adoptées (portant sur la question de la mesure du phénomène, ou celle des mécanismes, etc.), presque toutes ces recherches assimilent la ségrégation à une injustice spatiale. C'est cette implicite corrélation ségrégation/injustice que cet article examinera de plus près, à travers une revue de la littérature de différents champs disciplinaires (géographie, sociologie, histoire, urbanisme, sciences politiques, philosophie) : la ville ségrégée est-elle injuste par essence ? Toute division socio spatiale de l'espace – urbain en particulier – est-elle injuste ? Sinon, quand doit-elle être considérée comme injuste ? Et inversement, la ville mixte est-elle le modèle de la ville juste, vers lequel on doit tendre ? Autant de questions qui invitent à réinterroger les présupposés sur lesquels reposent de nombreux discours sur la ségrégation aujourd'hui.

International audience ; This article seeks to examine the sequence that precedes the coming to power of the current Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition government in the UK (1979-2010) and to explore how urban policies, spatial injustice and neoliberalism were articulated in London during this period of neoliberal transformation of the state. Liberal and radical formulations of justice by Rawls (Rawls, 1971) (Rawls, 2001) and Harvey (Harvey, 1973) are drawn upon to help frame the injustices produced by urban policies implemented by the Conservatives (1979-1997) around a dual problem: the reduction of political equality and the deteriorating socioeconomic conditions for the worst-off segment of society. Following on from this, I then explore New Labour's response (1997-2010) to this double injustice and look at how its discourse emphasized the crisis of political participation. A presentation of the transformation of New Labour's political project follows along with a subsequent illustration of how it was actually applied to urban policies. The New Deal for Communities (NDC), an area-based initiative targeted at deprived areas, is used as a case study to observe these processes. To conclude, I evaluate the types of injustices produced by New Labour's policies and distinguish between those which were manifestly caused by sustained neoliberal economic policies of those which were the result of institutional and procedural failures.

International audience ; This article seeks to examine the sequence that precedes the coming to power of the current Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition government in the UK (1979-2010) and to explore how urban policies, spatial injustice and neoliberalism were articulated in London during this period of neoliberal transformation of the state. Liberal and radical formulations of justice by Rawls (Rawls, 1971) (Rawls, 2001) and Harvey (Harvey, 1973) are drawn upon to help frame the injustices produced by urban policies implemented by the Conservatives (1979-1997) around a dual problem: the reduction of political equality and the deteriorating socioeconomic conditions for the worst-off segment of society. Following on from this, I then explore New Labour's response (1997-2010) to this double injustice and look at how its discourse emphasized the crisis of political participation. A presentation of the transformation of New Labour's political project follows along with a subsequent illustration of how it was actually applied to urban policies. The New Deal for Communities (NDC), an area-based initiative targeted at deprived areas, is used as a case study to observe these processes. To conclude, I evaluate the types of injustices produced by New Labour's policies and distinguish between those which were manifestly caused by sustained neoliberal economic policies of those which were the result of institutional and procedural failures.

International audience ; This article seeks to examine the sequence that precedes the coming to power of the current Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition government in the UK (1979-2010) and to explore how urban policies, spatial injustice and neoliberalism were articulated in London during this period of neoliberal transformation of the state. Liberal and radical formulations of justice by Rawls (Rawls, 1971) (Rawls, 2001) and Harvey (Harvey, 1973) are drawn upon to help frame the injustices produced by urban policies implemented by the Conservatives (1979-1997) around a dual problem: the reduction of political equality and the deteriorating socioeconomic conditions for the worst-off segment of society. Following on from this, I then explore New Labour's response (1997-2010) to this double injustice and look at how its discourse emphasized the crisis of political participation. A presentation of the transformation of New Labour's political project follows along with a subsequent illustration of how it was actually applied to urban policies. The New Deal for Communities (NDC), an area-based initiative targeted at deprived areas, is used as a case study to observe these processes. To conclude, I evaluate the types of injustices produced by New Labour's policies and distinguish between those which were manifestly caused by sustained neoliberal economic policies of those which were the result of institutional and procedural failures.