Suchergebnisse

Bei den schwedischen Wahlen zum "Riksdag" mußten die traditionell großen Parteien erhebliche Stimmverluste hinnehmen, die Grünen verloren ihren Sitz im Parlament, den dafür zwei neue Parteien des Konservativen Lagersfür sich gewinnen konnten. Die Mitglieder der aus drei Parteien bestehenden Minderheitsregierung unter Führung von Premierminister Bildt werden aufgelistet und die Wahlergebnisse erörtert

This chapter presents a historical and current picture of Sweden as a country of migration. Sweden has for a long time had cultural encounters with neighboring countries but it is only in the post war period that the stream of migrants became large and justified the statement that Sweden is a multicultural society in a descriptive sense. The chapter contains an account of the main tenets in Swedish nationalism, and how Swedish national identity is constructed today. It also contains a description of Sweden's modern immigration history, from the World War II and onwards,with a focus on the two last decades, and how the migrant legislation has changed during that period. We also give a short account of four minority groups in present day Sweden; Sámi, Roma, Muslims and sub-Saharan Africans, whose claims for acceptance, tolerance and recognition sometimes is met with indecision, opposition or – at least at the informal level of everyday life – with outright aversion. In the section preceding the conclusions, we discuss how questions of tolerance, acceptance and recognition has been articulated and formulated in migration- and minority policy during the last decades, with a focus on the ten previous years.

With an area of 450 000 km(2), Sweden is one of the largest countries in Western Europe. It is 1500 km from north to south. It has nearly 9 million inhabitants (20 per km(2)). It is a constitutional, hereditary monarchy with a parliamentary government. Sweden is highly dependent on international trade to maintain its high productivity and good living standards. Many public services are provided by Sweden's 289 municipalities and 21 county councils. Municipal responsibilities include schools, child care and care of the elderly, as well as social support for people with a chronic mental illness. The county councils are mainly responsible for healthcare, including psychiatric care, and public transport at the regional level. Sweden is characterised by an even distribution of incomes and wealth. This is partly a result of the comparatively large role of the public sector.

Various forms of representative group litigation have existed for decades in the special Labor and Market Courts, initiated by private organizations such as trade unions and the Consumer Ombudsman. A "true" class action, brought in a general court by a member of a group, or by an organization, or an administrative agency (e.g. the Consumer Ombudsman)—allowing claims both for injunctive relief and individual damages for group members—was introduced in Sweden by the Group Proceedings Act, which entered into force on January 1, 2003. This is an opt-in procedure.

This study of the education system of Sweden is part of the handbook "The education systems of Europe" which presents an analytical description of the education systems of all European countries, following common guidelines. The study begins with the historical and socio-cultural background of the Swedish educational system which is followed by the description of the organizational and administrative context of the current education system. The next step is the functioning of the current education system, beginning with a structural overview and followed by an analysis of the different levels of the education system, including, as a separate chapter, post-secondary and tertiary education. The country study ends with an analysis of current discussions, and opens perspectives for further development. A diagram illustrating the structural scheme of the Swedish educational system is part of this article. (DIPF/Orig./Kie.).

In 2014, more than 200,000 refugees and migrants fled for safety across the Mediterranean Sea. Crammed into overcrowded, unsafe boats, thousands drowned, prompting the Pope to warn that the sea was becoming a mass graveyard. The early months of 2015 saw no respite. In April alone more than 1,300 people drowned. This led to a large public outcry to increase rescue operations. Throughout this period, UNHCR and other humanitarian organisations, engaged in a series of largescale media advocacy exercises, aiming at convincing European countries to do more to help. It was crucial work, setting the tone for the dramatic rise in attention to the refugee crisis that followed in the second half of 2015. But the media was far from united in its response. While some outlets joined the call for more assistance, others were unsympathetic, arguing against increasing rescue operations. To learn why, UNHCR commissioned a report by the Cardiff School of Journalism to explore what was driving media coverage in five different European countries: Spain, Italy, Germany, the UK and Sweden. Researchers combed through thousands of articles written in 2014 and early 2015, revealing a number of important findings for future media advocacy campaigns. Most importantly, they found major differences between countries, in terms of the sources journalists used (domestic politicians, foreign politicians, citizens, or NGOs), the language they employed, the reasons they gave for the rise in refugee flows, and the solutions they suggested. Germany and Sweden, for example, overwhelmingly used the terms 'refugee' or 'asylum seeker', while Italy and the UK press preferred the word 'migrant'. In Spain, the dominant term was 'immigrant'. These terms had an important impact on the tenor of each country's debate. Media also differed widely in terms of the predominant themes to their coverage. For instance, humanitarian themes were more common in Italian coverage than in British, German or Spanish press. Threat themes (such as to the welfare system, or cultural threats) were the most prevalent in Italy, Spain and Britain. Overall, the Swedish press was the most positive towards refugees and migrants, while coverage in the United Kingdom was the most negative, and the most polarised. Amongst those countries surveyed, Britain's right-wing media was uniquely aggressively in its campaigns against refugees and migrants. This report provides important insights into each country's press culture during a crucial period of agenda-setting for today's refugee and migrant crisis. It also offers invaluable insights into historical trends. What emerges is a clear message that for media work on refugees, one size does not fit all. Effective media advocacy in different European nations requires targeted, tailored campaigns, which takes into account their unique cultures and political context.