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This article analyzes the allocation of the government budget to civilian and military expenditure by two rival countries that are involved in an arms race. We compare the consequences of myopic (period by period) planning versus rational (long-term) planning and show that although myopic planning is always favorable for both countries, they are likely to become locked in a prisoners' dilemma equilibrium in which they plan rationally. The prisoners' dilemma equilibrium results in higher stocks of weapon systems and lower welfare for both countries. We also find some evidence of the existence of a prisoners' dilemma equilibrium in the current Israeli-Syrian arms race. Generally, this article suggests that solving military/political conflicts that evolve into an arms race by relying only on military might is an expensive and suboptimal solution. Each country should identify this phenomenon and attempt to take it into account in its decisionmaking by using appropriate policy alternatives. There are two major policy options in this case. The first option is to reach some kind of agreement with the rival (directly or through a third party). The second option is to institute force multipliers techniques.

Discusses the use of private sector money to finance the public services and facilities in New South Wales. Personal experience as a member of the Public Accounts Committee is drawn on to address risk, success, and benefits of using private financing on the basis of a visit to the United Kingdom National Audit Office.

To be delivered almost a month later than usual, this year's Budget will be closely watched for Singapore's strategy on economic growth, income redistribution, reducing societal inequality and the government's role in seeking a national consensus on these key issues.

▪ Abstract  The literature on term limits has burgeoned in recent years. This paper looks at both the empirical and normative studies, exploring how the term-limit debate is confounded by both fact and value disagreements. We identify four schools of thought with respect to the desirability of term limits and conclude that, because people start from different normative perspectives, findings about term-limit effects can be interpreted in very different ways. Reviewing the literature on electoral impacts, we discovered that term limits have increased turnover most noticeably in the more professionalized legislatures. The length of term limitations and the types of legislatures that adopt them are critical explanatory variables. The implications for the internal workings of legislatures and the balance of power are less well documented by scholars, but there is a great deal of testimony from legislators and lobbyists that term limits have changed their operations in important ways.

Study (Moten & Harney, 2013) and disidentification (Muñoz, 1999), are terms that could be understood as conditions for divergent un-individuated production. These strategies are productive in the way they (de)generate, constructive from their insistent refusal of the instituted. By identifying connections between these strategies, the text points at their transformative potential. Could these performative processes displace or decentralize dominant modes of production?Setting the tone and character of the writing, the introduction defines form and content as non-hierarchical parties that complement one another. Governmental precarity (Lorey, 2015) is described as a precarious object of governance. If life is entangled within the realms of the social and institutional, it could be interesting to speculate on collective modes of production. The text sets forth A friend to the idea (Sully, 2016) and Who moves and who doesn't? (Ngamcharoen, 2018) as positions within the realm of institutional critical art. Within an academic context, these performances reflect on the conditions of production through transversal critique.