Suchergebnisse

This paper contains the author's original definitions of decentralization, territorial autonomy and an overview of the Spanish territorial structure, as well as definition of a regional party. Analysis of the 2011–2015 Cortes Generales and regional parliamentary elections leads one to conclude, that despite a dynamic development of regional parties their position on the state and regional level had nonetheless significantly declined. State-wide parties are still dominant, in spite of an acute decomposition in the party system and losing the dual-party feature. Election results show that the financial crisis and external threats positively influence the growth in power of state-wide parties. In this context the political and party situation in Catalunya is profoundly distinctive, but the role of traditional independence-centered regional parties after the last regional (September 2015) and parliamentary (December 2015) elections is in decline. Ideological and political polarization in that region, though intensified, does not grant a decisive advantage for independence-centered parties.

THE GENERAL COUNCIL OF THE JUDICIARY IN SPAINIn this article, the authors focus on showing the normative structure of the General Council of the Judiciary as a specific body aimed at protecting the independence of the courts and the independence of the judiciary. In the content of the article they analyse the principles of creation of this body, its internal organisation and competences. The main purpose of this analysis is to answer the question of whether Spanish solutions can be an inspiration to other states that want to properly protect the above values. However, the conclusions are not positive. A very narrow constitutional regulation, and thus granting of significant freedom for the legislator in shaping the General Council, causes basic weaknesses related to the functioning of a kind of "government" of judges.

Przedmiotem analizy jest pozycja ustrojowa głowy państwa w Bośni i Hercegowinie. Państwo posiada specyficzne rozwiązania ustrojowe, które zostały ustanowione w wyniku porozumienia w Dayton. Głowę państwa stanowi trzyosobowe prezydium składające się z Serba, Chorwata i Bośniaka. W artykule zaprezentowano procedurę wyborczą, kompetencje i odpowiedzialność tej wyjątkowej Prezydencji.

Przedmiotem analizy jest pozycja ustrojowa głowy państwa w Bośni i Hercegowinie. Państwo posiada specyficzne rozwiązania ustrojowe, które zostały ustanowione w wyniku porozumienia w Dayton. Głowę państwa stanowi trzyosobowe prezydium składające się z Serba, Chorwata i Bośniaka. W artykule zaprezentowano procedurę wyborczą, kompetencje i odpowiedzialność tej wyjątkowej Prezydencji.

W artykule omówiono zarys problematyki gruzińskiego parlamentaryzmu, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem funkcjonowania Parlamentu Gruzji w okresie między 1990 i 2013 rokiem. Autorzy na podstawie zapisów Konstytucji z 1995 roku oraz innych ustaw przedstawili pozycję ustrojową gruzińskiego parlamentu. Nakreślili zasady systemowe i suwerena, omówili kompetencje poszczególnych organów państwa, relacje między prezydentem a rządem, zasady funkcjonowania i całą organizację procesu prawodawczego. Podsumowując należy podkreślić, że pozycja ustrojowa gruzińskiego parlamentu w omawianym okresie jest podobna do funkcjonowania parlamentu w klasycznym systemie prezydenckim.

Jasinski, L. J.: Makroekonomiczny wymiar integracji. - S.15-60. Belka, M.: Przedsiebiorstwa w procesie przekstzalcen. - S.61-106. Zirk-Sadowski, M.: Prawny wymiar integracji europejskiej. - S.107-144. Marody, M.: Spoleczenstwo polskie w perspektywie integracji z Unia Europejska. - S.145-188. Hausner, J.: System polityczny i integracja europejska Polski. - S.189-226

For many years Spain has been one of the EU countries with the highest child poverty risk rates. Since the beginning of 1990s child monetary poverty rate has remained at the level of 24–25 per cent, thus being higher than for the overall population. Although Spain recorded high economic growth in years 2002–2007, the lack of changes in social policy towards children and families prevented any improvements in the situation. The ongoing economic crisis has worsened the poverty indicators for children comparing to other age groups and has progressed the process of deterioration of the situation of families with children, especially single-parent families. This article aims to present the ways of measuring the child poverty and social exclusion in Spain, taking into account methodological problems and complexity, and showing the need for multidimensional approach. Features characteristic of child poverty and social exclusion in Spain in comparison with other EU countries i.e. high chronic poverty as well as recurrent and long-term transitory poverty are highlighted. Special attention was paid to children from immigrant background, who were found to be more vulnerable.

Evolution of European political sytems in Zygmunt Cybichowski's works (1879-1946)The article presents briefly constitutional reflection of Zygmunt Cybichowski (1879-1946), a world-famous expert in law who became a radical Polish nationalist in 1930s and unsuccessfully tried to collaborate with the Third Reich during WW II. His thought concentrated particularly on two types of democratic system: liberał democracy and so-called 'nationalist democracy'.As a scholar, Cybichowski was following the 'national method' in law studies. According to his method, every legał system, including constitution, rose from a specific, particular culture of its own nation. The same rule or institution could have different meaning in various cultures of law - there were no two similar constitutions among the nations of the world. Understanding legał and political system of any country depended entirely on profound knowledge of local history and traditions.Cybichowski was considered that during interwar period political systems of all European countries underwenta process of totalizing - a rapid expansion of government power and functions. This phenomenon was the most advanced in 'nation­al democracies': fascist Italy and the Third Reich. Cybichowski maintained thatthese two states were truły democratic (but not liberał) because, in his opinion, democra­cy existed in every political system in which authorities were accepted by their peo- ple and followed the people's will. For Cybichowski democracy and dictatorship were not contradictory to each other - a dictatorial government could have democratic base. According to him, pre-war Poland had an intermediate regime which contained elements of the both types of democracy. This regime formally retained liberał institutions, but in political practice it started to create institutions typical for 'nationalist democracy' such as 'national political organization' and a 'national chieftain'.