At head of title: National Union Club documents. Speeches of Honorable Edgar Cowan, of Pennsylvania, Honorable Jas. R. Doolittle, of Wisconsin, Honorable Hugh McCulloch, Secretary of Treasury, letter of Honorable O.H. Browning, of Illinois, and an address by a member of the Club. Notes: Cover title. On verso of title page: National Union Executive Club, 490 Twelfth Street, Washington, D.C. . Platform of the National Union Club. On last page, publisher's advertisement for the daily and weekly National Republican, with address of the publisher, W.J. Murtagh & Co. Two columns to the page. FAU Libraries' copy imperfect: pages trimmed rough and too closely along bottom edges with some loss of text. Edges trimmed to 21 cm. Contents: Speech of Senator Cowan, of Pennsylvania, in the Senate of the United States, Friday, May 11, 1866 -- Speech of Senator Doolittle, of Wisconsin, delivered at the Academy of Music, Philadelphia, May 19, 1866 -- Speech of Hon. Hugh M'Culloch, Secretary of the Treasury, on the night of the 23d of May, on the occasion of the serenade tendered by the National Union Club -- Letter from Hon. O.H. Browning, of Illinois -- Letter to Hon. Alex. W. Randall, President of the National Union Club -- The condition of the South : report of Special Commissioner Benjamin C. Truman. ; Florida Atlantic University Libraries' Marvin and Sybil Weiner Spirit of America Collection, Pamphlets: Speeches B23F1 ; Florida Atlantic Digital Library Collections
In 1866, the United States Congress authorized the establishment of six new army regiments that were to consist entirely of black men. Part of the reason for the creation of these units was the admirable record black regiments had achieved during the Civil War. But the primary cause was the dire need for manpower in the postwar regular army. Only a year after Lee's surrender at Appomattox, the military had been reduced so drastically that there were not enough soldiers to deal with the needs of white settlers in the West. There, the men of the black regiments aided in the eviction of the Plains Indians acquiring the nickname "Buffalo Soldiers," a title of respect equated with the great beast of the plains. For the community of Hays, Kansas, the story of the Buffalo Soldiers has special significance. From 1867 to 1870, black troops from the Tenth Cavalry and Thirty- Eighth Infantry stationed at Fort Hays and from 1881 to 1885, companies of the Ninth cavalry stationed there as well. The early history of the Buffalo Soldiers ran parallel to the development of Hays City. Fort Hays was the first site of Indian combat for any of the new black recruits. The Buffalo Soldiers witnessed the establishment of Hays City in 1867 and often served as civilian guards during the settlement's first few months. Blacks shared equally in the miseries that were the domain of every soldier in the frontier army. Disease, inadequate food and shelter, association with dangerous characters and even boredom were everyday staples of military life. Fights and shootings between black soldiers and civilians contributed to Hays City's reputation for violence. A combination of local factors brought the Buffalo Soldiers to Fort Hays. While white settlement in western Kansas steadily increased, Indian raids continued to r i se. The first overland stage company from Kansas City to Denver ran along the Smoky Hill Trail and prompted the establishment of Fort Fletcher in present-day Ellis County in 1865. A shortage of manpower caused Fletcher to close the following year but by 1866, the Union Pacific Railroad, Eastern Division, had begun construction on a line through Kansas. Out of the need to protect the advancing railroad, Fort Hays was established. Its first months were bedeviled by problems of too few men trying to defend too large an area. By June 1867, the fort consisted mostly of infantry, which was ineffective if pursuit of mounted Indian warriors became necessary. The need for additional cavalry at Fort Hays was answered by several companies of the Tenth cavalry, just completing training at Fort Leavenworth and Fort Riley in eastern Kansas. The Tenth's commander, Colonel Benjamin Grierson, had recruited freedmen from all parts of the eastern United States. The black recruits faced disadvantages that the white units did not have. Since most freedmen could not read nor write, the burden for routine paperwork shifted to the white officers, leaving less time for supervision of training and drill. The black units were continually provided with inferior animals and supplies and were usually the objects of prejudice from white soldiers. While training his troops at Fort Leavenworth, Grierson became involved in a conflict with the post commander. Wishing to remove his men from the discriminatory environment at Leavenworth, Grierson dispatched several companies of the Tenth to western Kansas. The disadvantages of the new recruits became painfully obvious during their first combat engagement north of Fort Hays. Under the command of Captain George Armes, troops of the Tenth Cavalry, Company F, battled a party of Cheyenne at the Saline River in August 1867. Panic and disorganization among the ranks made it difficult for the officers to mount a proper defense. However, by the time of the Tenth's second engagement at Beaver Creek later that month, the new recruits were able to handle themselves admirably in combat, surviving three days in a perilous situation when their company was surrounded. While units of black cavalry tracked hostile Indians in the field, t he infantry spread out along the UPRR-ED line, protecting construction crews and surveying parties. By late 1867, Indian hostilities had diminished enough for Grierson to call his companies of the Tenth back to Fort Riley, leaving companies of the Thirty-Eighth Infantry to occupy Fort Hays. The cholera epidemic of 1867 took a high and gruesome toll on the black units, causing many whites to believe that it was the Buffalo Soldiers who had somehow carried the disease into Kansas. Drunkenness and insubordination were common problems in the black units as well as in all army regiments. One-fourth of the army's enlistment deserted in 1867 but the rate of desertion for the Buffalo Soldiers was relatively low compared to white units. Although the Buffalo Soldiers' sense of cohesion aided their military effectiveness, it also proved to be a drawback in their dealings with civilians. When one black soldier was injured or killed in a fight with Hays City residents, the rest took upon themselves the task of locating and punishing the offender. The numerous violent encounters between blacks and white civilians in Hays City resembled an ongoing blood feud and white racism tended to exaggerate the Buffalo Soldiers ' role to the point where they have mistakenly been blamed for all the bloodshed that characterized Hays' early years . When troops of the Ninth cavalry stationed at Fort Hays in the early 1880s, conditions had improved somewhat but conflicts with local residents was still the norm. The new Buffalo Soldiers were younger and had no experience in combat as compared to their predecessors. But the new troops were also more capable of self-restraint and less eager to resort to gunfire in their dealings with angry civilians. When the last of the black units departed in 1885, they precipitated the closing of Fort Hays itself by only four years. For over a third of its history, Fort Hays was guarded by troops of the new black regiments and the contribution they made to the development of Hays City and Ellis County was substantial. While some of the Buffalo Soldiers served as agents of peace, others contributed to the violence that made Hays the source of legends about wild frontier towns.
Alan Ferguson Rodger: a tribute given at the Memorial Service held in St Giles' Cathedral, Edinburgh on 25 November 2011 /Colin MacKay --Alan Ferguson Rodger: a tribute given at the Memorial Service held in St Giles' Cathedral, Edinburgh on 25 November 2011 /David Edward --Alan Ferguson Rodger: a tribute given at the Memorial Service held in the University Church of St Mary the Virgin, Oxford on 11 February 2012 /Andrew Burrows --Lord Rodger: an Italian tribute /Luigi Labruna --Dissenting judgments /Lord Brown of Eaton-under-Heywood --Some reflections on Lord Rodger's contribution to the development of the common law /Lord Dyson --Lord Rodger's mental health law /Baroness Hale of Richmond --Fairchild and after /Lord Hoffmann --Lord Rodger's notebooks /Lord Hope of Craighead --Foreign laws and languages /Lord Mance --The view from behind the bench: the role of judicial assistants in the UK Supreme Court /Tetyana Nesterchuk --"Strasbourg has spoken" /Lord Phillips of Worth Matravers --The form and language of Lord Rodger's judgments /Lord Reed --Lord Rodger and statute law /Lord Walker of Gestingthorpe --"Fama" and "infamia" in the Roman legal system: the cases of Afrania and Lucretia /Tiziana J. Chiusi --Damaging a slave /Paul J. du Plessis --The dating of the lex Aquilia /David Ibbetson --Lenel's Palingenesia: two footnotes to Rodger /David Johnston --"Grappling with the difficult subjects with which the Roman lawyers liked to grapple" /Rolf Knütel --Agree to disagree: local jurisdiction in the lex Irnitana /Ernest Metzger --Lawmaking in times of disorder /O.F. Robinson --Borrowed plumes and robbed freedmen: some aspects of plagiarism in Roman antiquity /Martin Schermaier --Pits and pruners: culpa and social practice in Digest 9.2. /Helen Scott --An inheritance lost and a fraudulent slave /Boudewijn Sirks --Lenel and Daube: a cross-channel friendship /Stefan Vogenauer --Some thoughts on the formulae ficticiae of citizenship in Gaius 4.37: a form of reception? /Laurens Winkel --Jurisdiction in Urso /Joseph Georg Wolf --"Unworthiness" in the Roman law of succession /Reinhard Zimmermann --Words and concepts: trust and patrimony /Ross G. Anderson --Freeing from slavery in eighteenth-century Scotland /John W. Cairns --Lawyer for all time /David L. Carey Miller --Lord Rodger and the criminal law /Paul Cullen --The enrichment claim of the mala fide improver of another's property /Jacques du Plessis --Thinking about some Scots law: Lord Rodger and unjustified enrichment /Robin Evans-Jones --Communis error facit ius /William M. Gordon --Objectivity and subjectivity in contract interpretation /Philip Hellwege --Ae fond kiss: a private matter? /Hector L. MacQueen --Embalmed in Rettie: the City of Glasgow Bank and the liability of trustees /Kenneth GC Reid --Some thoughts on the nature of liability for negligence in Scots law /Joe Thomson --Legal academics: forgotten players or interlopers? /Jack Beatson --Common law retrospectivity /Andrew Burrows --Faith, trust, and charity /Joshua Getzler --Al-Skeini and the extra-territorial application of the European Convention on Human Rights /Sandy Ghandhi --Trees and neighbours /Birke Häcker --Performance of an obligation by a third party /Sonja Meier --The Courts, the Church, and the Constitution revisited /Aidan O'Neill --Legislating in vain /William Swadling.
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Speech of Hon. O.P. Morton. Speech of Honorable O.P. Morton. Notes: Two columns to the page. FAU Libraries' copy has unopened pages. ; Florida Atlantic University Libraries' Marvin and Sybil Weiner Spirit of America Collection, Pamphlets: Speeches B23F18 ; Florida Atlantic Digital Library Collections
Some of the pamphlets have caption title only. ; Binder's title for set made up of works published independently. Vol. 2 has title: Slavery and the Civil War; pamphlets. ; The rebuke of secession doctrines / Southern Statesmen -- The infamous perjuries of the "Bureau of Military Justice" exposed / Rev. Stuart Robinson -- A savoury dish for loyal men -- Slavery the mere pretext for the rebellion; not its cause. Andrew Jackson's prophecy in 1833. His last will and testament in 1843. Bequests of his three swords: his solemn injunction to wield them "in support of our glorious union" against all assailants, whether "foreign enemies or domestic traitors" / Southern Man -- The South alone, should govern the south. And African slavery should be controlled by those only who are friendly to it -- Idemnity for the past and security for the future / Hon. Charles Sumner -- The "Times" review of McClellan: his military career reviewed and expanded / William Swinton -- The fugitive slave law; tried by the old and new testaments / Joseph P. Thompson -- The Truth from an honest man. The letter of the President -- View of the subject of slavery contained in the biblical repertory for April, 1836 in which the scriptural argument, it is believed, is very clearly and justly exhibited -- Washington and Jackson on Negro soldiers. General Banks on the bravery of negro troops. Poem - the second Louisiana / George H. Boker -- West Point and the war -- The family relation as affected by slavery / Charles K. Whipple. ; v. 2. An address to the Presbyterian Church, enforcing the duty of excluding all slaveholders from the Communion of Saints -- The African slave trade. The secret purpose of the insurgents to revive it. No treaty stipulations against the slave trade to be entered into with the European powers / Judah P. Benjamin's intercepted instructions to L.Q.C. Lamar -- Our National Constitution: its adaptation to a state of war or insurrection / Hon. Daniel Agnew -- The Alarm Bell no.1 / a Constitutionalist -- Letters from the South, relating to the condition of the freedmen addressed to Major General O.O. Howard / J.W. Alvord -- The testimony of a refugee from East Tennessee / Hermann Bokum -- The state of the country. An oration delivered at Buffalo, July 4th, 1862 / Walter Clarke -- The South: a letter from a friend in the North with special reference to the effects of disunion upon slavery -- The conscription also speeches of hte Hon. W.D. Kelley, of Pennsylavnia, in the House of Representatives, on the conscription; the way to attain and secure peace; and on arming the negros with a letter from Secretary Chase -- Education, a state duty / D. Bethune Duffield -- Freedom or despotism. The voice of our brother's blood: its source and its summons. A discourse occasioned by the Sumner and Kansas outrages. Preached in Neward, June 8th and 15th, 1856 / Henry C. Fish -- Origin of American slavery, extracted from "Slavery and Anti-slavery;" a history of the great struggle in both hemispheres, with a view of the slavery question in the United States / William Goodell -- Abolition documents no. 2; the constitution against slavery -- Home missions and slavery: a repritn of several articles, recently published in the religious journals; with an appendix -- About the war. Plain words to plain people / a plain man -- The Loyalists ammunition -- An Address to the Presbyterians of Kentucky, proposing a plan for the instructions and emancipation of their slaves / Synod of Kentucky. ; Mode of access: Internet.
In 1897 the promising young sociologist William Edward Burghardt Du Bois (1868–1963) was given a temporary post as Assistant in Sociology at the University of Pennsylvania in order to conduct a systematic investigation of social conditions in the seventh ward of Philadelphia. The product of those studies was the first great empirical book on the Negro in American society.More than one hundred years after its original publication by the University of Pennsylvania Press, The Philadelphia Negro remains a classic work. It is the first, and perhaps still the finest, example of engaged sociological scholarship—the kind of work that, in contemplating social reality, helps to change it.In his introduction, Elijah Anderson examines how the neighborhood studied by Du Bois has changed over the years and compares the status of blacks today with their status when the book was initially published
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The problem of this study is the past and present status of Negro culture in Limestone County, Texas. Growing out of this major problem are the following questions which this study proposes to answer: 1. What were the causes of the Negroes' presence in Limestone County, Texas? 2. What were the living conditions of Negroes during the period of involuntary servitude from 1860 until their emancipation (June 19, 1865 in the State of Texas)? 3. What were the chances of cultural development during this period of involuntary servitude? 4. What opportunities did Negroes of Limestone County, Texas have to develop themselves culturally immediately after the Emancipation? 5. What out-of-state agencies made contributions to the Negroes of Limestone County as well as to Texas and the south, to set up a public school system? 6. What attitude did the white people of Limestone County take toward persons who sought to enlighten the freedmen? 7. What progress was made culturally during the period of reconstruction? 8. What part did the church play in the cultural development of Negroes in Limestone County, Texas? 9. what are some of the out-standing changes that have been made in the public schools of Limestone County within the past decade? 10. What are the tendencies which indicate the possibilities of further cultural developments in Limestone County? This study has been made to present the past and present status of the cultural development of the Negroes of Limestone County, Texas, from I860 to 1951, and it is the aim of the writer to present a fair word-picture of the progress that has been made within these years. On the other hand, this study attempts to show the progress and improvements that are yet to be made in the development of a greater number of intelligent, wage earning Negro citizens of Limestone County, Texas. It is true that for the past twenty-five years the greatest number of people of this county have migrated to the manufacturing centers of the states in the north and west, yet the fact remains that the majority of those remaining still live in rural areas. In fifteen southern states it was found that 67.4% of the Negro population were rural dwellers.1 For the last fifteen or twenty years there has been a steady migration of Negroes from Limestone County to larger cities within the state of Texas, and to many sections of the United States. There are several reasons for this migration which has caused the problem of overcrowded living and working conditions in toe cities where this group has moved. One of the main causes for this migration is the limited educational opportunities for Negro children. Charles S. Johnson made an extensive survey of various comparative studies of the two races, Negro and White, and concluded that inefficiency of Negro pupils is at least a function of a poor educational system and an inferior background, as an inferior inherited mental constitution.1 Another cause can be traced to World War II, when a call for workers for the war effort regardless of race and color, sent men and women to many sections of the United States. 1 Ambrose Caliver, "Secondary Education for Negroes", National Survey of Secondary Education. Bulletin No. 17, 1932, Government Printing Office, Office of Education, Washington, D. C. 1 Charles S. Johnson, The Negro in American Civilization, Henry Holt and Company, New York, 1930. pp. 273-4.
Cover -- Contents -- List of Illustrations -- Author's Note -- CHAPTER 1. A New Birth of Freedom -- CHAPTER 2. Among an Anomalous Population -- CHAPTER 3. Petitioning for Freedom in an Era of Slavery -- CHAPTER 4. Visions of Rebellion -- CHAPTER 5. Race, Identity, and Community -- CHAPTER 6. Legacies -- Afterword -- Acknowledgments -- Notes -- Index -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- I -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- Q -- R -- S -- T -- V -- W.
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The purpose of the study is to analyze the impact of Catholic clergy on the social life of the Ruthenium population in America by examining the publications of the Ukrainian journal "Freedom" of the 19th – early 20th centuries. Research methodology: principles of systematic scientific history, use of scientific methods of analysis, synthesis, generalization and comparison. Scientific Novelty and Originality: Through a Detailed Analysis of the Publications of the Ukrainian Freedom Magazine in America in the Nineteenth – Early Twentieth Century's. The author defined the exceptional role of the Catholic clergy in shaping the social values of the Ruthenium people in emigration USА and Canada. Outline of research materials. The most important factor in the social life of Ukrainians in exile was the Ukrainian-language press. The Catholic clergy sought to control the social life of «Ukrainian Americans» in order to preserve national traditions, language, promote enlightenment, organize social assistance for Ukrainians, and highlight the most important problems of immigrants. Authors and contributors to Svoboda called for other peoples (Poles, Czechs, Romanians) to set up grassroots organizations to support entrepreneurship, schooling and education, developing national spirituality and language. Much attention was paid to the participation of the Ruthenian people in political life, the establishment of clubs and cultural centers. The main achievement of the «freedmen» was the creation of a single socio-political emigrant center – the Russian People's Union. The clergy fought to preserve the linguistic identity of Ukrainians. The authors have constantly addressed the issue of language denationalization, especially Russification of the population. In addition to education, the authors of the journal paid great attention to the analysis of the epidemiological situation, the spread of hunger, methods of combating smallpox, cholera, influenza. Conclusions: The Catholic clergy became an important and almost sole factor in the socio-political life of Ukrainians abroad in the process of national revival and the struggle for national unity and identity. ; Метою дослідження є аналіз впливу католицького духівництва на соціальне життя русинського населення в Америці через вивчення публікацій українського часопису «Свобода» ХІХ – початку ХХ ст. Методологія дослідження: принципи системного наукового історизму, використання загальнонаукових методів аналізу, синтезу, узагальнення та порівняння. Наукова новизна та оригінальність полягає у детальному аналізі публікацій українського часопису «Свобода» в Америці ХІХ – початку ХХ ст., що дало можливість визначити виняткову роль католицького духівництва у формуванні соціальних цінностей русинського народу в еміграції, його роль у боротьбі за освіту, здоровий спосіб життя населення, національну і політичну єдність, покращення умов праці робітників і селянства, простежити діяльність «Руського народного союзу» українців у США та Канаді. Показано, що найважливішим чинником соціального життя українців в еміграції була україномовна преса. Католицьке духівництво намагалося контролювати соціальне життя «українських американців» задля збереження національних традицій, мови, поширення просвітництва, організації соціальної допомоги українцям та висвітлення найбільш важливих проблем емігрантів. Автори і дописувачі часопису «Свобода» закликали за прикладом інших народів (поляків, чехів, румунів) створювати народні організації задля підтримки підприємництва, шкільництва й освітянства, розвитку народної духовності та мови. Велика увага приділялася участі русинського народу у політичному житті, створенні клубів і культурних осередків. Головним досягненням «свободівців» стало створення єдиного соціально-політичного емігрантського центру – Руського Народного Союзу. Духівництво вело боротьбу за збереження мовної ідентичності українців. Автори постійно зверталися до проблематики мовної денацифікації, особливо русифікації населення. Окрім просвітництва автори часопису велику увагу приділяли аналізу епідеміологічної ситуації, поширення голоду, методам боротьби із захворюваннями віспою, холерою, грипом. Просвітницька робота дописувачів «Свободи» полягала і у висвітленні страшних соціальних наслідків пияцтва та нездорового способу життя українців. Духівництво ставило за мету боротьбу з недоїданням і голодом, висвітлювалися статистичні дані та трагічні випадки голодних смертей серед емігрантів у різних штатах. Вагомою перевагою часопису «Свобода», на відміну від церковних періодичних видань материкової України, стала його світська і соціальна спрямованість без перевантаження догматикою і проповідництвом.Висновки: важливим і майже єдиним чинником суспільно-політичного життя українців за кордоном у процесі національного відродження та боротьби за національну єдність та ідентичність стало католицьке духівництво.
Reference books: p. 17-20. References at head of chapters. ; XII. Burial-places and funeral ceremonies : Importance of burial ; Interment and cremation ; Places of burial ; The tombs ; The potter's field ; Plan of tombs and grounds ; Exterior of the tombs ; Burial societies ; Funeral ceremonies ; At the house ; The funeral procession ; The funeral oration ; At the tomb ; After ceremonies ; Memorial festivals. ; X. Travel and correspondence : In general ; By water ; By land ; The vehicles ; Carriages ; The roads ; Construction ; The inns ; Speed ; Sending letters ; Writing the letters ; Sealing and opening the letters ; Books ; Manufacture of paper ; Pens and ink ; Making the roll ; Size of the rolls ; Multiplication of books ; Commercial publication ; Rapidity and cost of publication ; Libraries -- XI. Sources of income and means of living : The Roman's day ; In general ; Careers of the nobles ; Agriculture ; Political office ; The law ; The army ; Careers of the equites ; The soldiers ; The proletariate ; Professions and trades ; Business and commerce ; The civil service ; The Roman's day ; House of the day -- ; IX. Amusements, baths : General ; Sports of the campus ; Games of ball ; Games of chance ; Knuckle-bones ; Dice ; Public and private games ; Dramatic performances ; Staging the play ; The early theater ; The later theater ; Roman circuses ; Plan of the circus ; The arena ; The barriers ; The seats ; Furnishing the races ; The teams ; The drivers ; Other shows of the circus ; Gladiatorial combats ; Popularity of the combats ; Sources of supply ; Schools for gladiators ; Places of exhibition ; Amphitheaters at Rome ; The amphitheater at Pompeii ; The Coliseum ; Styles of fighting ; Weapons and armor ; Announcement of the shows ; The fight itself ; The rewards ; Other shows in the amphitheater ; The daily bath ; Essentials for the bath ; Heating the bath ; A private bathhouse ; The public baths ; Management ; Hours opened ; Accommodations for women ; Baths of Diocletian -- ; VIII. Food and meals : Natural conditions ; Fruits ; Garden produce ; Meats ; Fowl and game ; Fish ; Cereals ; Preparation of the grain ; Breadmaking ; The olive ; Olive oil ; Grapes ; Viticulture ; Vineyards ; Wine-making ; Beverages ; Style of living ; Hours for meals ; Breakfast and luncheon ; The formal meal ; The dining couch ; Places of honor ; Other furniture ; Courses ; Bills of fare ; Serving the dinner ; The banquets of the rich -- ; I. The family : The household ; The splitting up of a house ; Other meanings of familia ; The family cult ; Adoption ; Limitations ; II. The name : The triple name ; Additional names ; Confusion of names ; Names of women ; Names of slaves ; Names of freedmen ; Naturalized citizens -- III. Marriage and the position of women : Early forms of marriage ; Betrothals ; The dowry ; Essential forms ; The wedding day ; The wedding garments ; The ceremony ; The wedding feast ; The bridal procession ; The position of women -- IV. Children and education : Legal status ; Nurses ; Playthings ; Pets and games ; Home training ; Schools ; Subjects taught in elementary schools ; Grammar schools ; Schools of rhetoric ; Travel ; Apprenticeship ; Remarks on the schools ; The teacher ; Schooldays and holidays ; Discipline ; End of childhood ; V. Dependents: slaves and clients : Growth of slavery ; Numbers of slaves ; Sources of supply ; Sales of slaves ; Prices of slaves ; Public and private slaves ; Private slaves ; Industrial employment ; Farm slaves ; Legal status of slaves ; The treatment of slaves ; Food and dress ; Punishments ; Manumission ; The clients ; The old clients ; Mutual obligations ; The new clients ; Duties and rewards -- VI. The house and its furniture : The development of the house ; The change in the atrium ; The peristyle ; Private rooms ; The house of pansa ; The walls ; Wall facings ; Floors and ceilings ; Roofs ; The doors ; The windows ; Heating ; Water supply ; Decoration ; Furniture ; Principal articles ; The couches ; The chairs ; Tables ; The lamps ; Chests and cabinets ; Other articles ; The street -- VII. Dress and personal ornaments : The tunic ; The toga ; Form and arrangement ; Kinds of togas ; Other wraps ; Footgear ; Coverings for the head ; The hair and beard ; Jewelry ; Dress of women ; Shoes and slippers ; Dressing of the hair ; Accessories ; Jewelry ; Dress of the children and slaves ; Materials ; Colors ; Manufacture -- ; Mode of access: Internet.
[spa] Pompeius es uno de los gentilicios romanos más frecuentes y abundantes del Imperio Romano. Se encuentra extendido por todo el territorio, y no sólo en inscripciones en latín, sino también en otras grafías, como la griega (Пομπήιος) y la neopúnica. De manera especial, este nomen figura de manera destacada en Hispania y la Galia Narbonense. Pompeyo es un nombre que se sigue utilizando en la actualidad, sea como nombre propio o como apellido, o en ambas formas, en diversos idiomas, preferentemente en el primer caso, como ocurre con otros nomina. Este nombre recuerda a Cn. Pompeyo Magno (cos. I 70 a.C.), uno de los líderes políticos y militares más importantes de la República tardía, el personaje más conocido con este gentilicio, cuya actividad en la guerra sertoriana (83-72 a.C) puede explicar en parte la frecuencia de este gentilicio en los territories anteriormente mencionados. De esta forma, uno de los elementos que ha sido utilizado para señalar la presencia, la frecuencia y la importancia de la clientela de la gens Pompeia en Hispania es el registro de los testimonios epigráficos donde aparecen individuos que tenían como gentilicio Pompeius y Pompeianus. Este planteamiento se basa en la idea de que la importancia y extensión de una clientela se expresa en el número de personas que ostentarían el nomen de la gens en cuestión, criterio que se ha utilizado en un gran número de familias de época republicana que han tenido una actuación destacada en la Península Ibérica. El análisis de las evidencias existents indica que la aparición del nomen Pompeius en Hispania puede deberse a cuatro causas: la concesión de la ciudadanía romana por parte de Pompeyo Magno o sus hijos; la adaptación de la onomástica romana por parte de los indígenas a través del proceso de aculturación; la inmigración itálica, y los libertos que adoptaron el nombre de su patrón. Pero, ante todo, la presencia del nomen Pompeius (y, por extensión, en otros de importantes personajes de época republicana e incluso imperial) responde a una adaptación de la onomástica por la aculturación (mimetismo, como lo ha denominado J. Gómez-Pantoja) por parte de la población indígena. Esto puede observarse claramente en los numerosos casos que hemos presentado procedentes del Occidente peninsular. El nombre Pompeius se nos presenta como un elemento de "romanidad", de la utilización de un gentilicio muy conocido entre los habitantes de la Península como elemento de integración dentro de la sociedad provincial. Así mismo, hay que tener en cuenta el fenómeno de los "nombres de contacto", es decir, el de aquellos antropónimos que pueden ser interpretados por más de una lengua a la vez. Así, este fenómeno se ha señalado para el caso de Pompeius, ya que no sólo podría aludir al conocido gentilicio de la familia de los Pompeii Magni sino que también pudiera hacer referencia al numeral "cinco" en lenguas paleohispánicas, es decir, que los personajes de este nombre quisieran reflejar en realidad un antropónimo prerromano que habría sido romanizado, por parecerse a su forma latina. Sea como fuere, no hay que descartar que ciertos casos individualizados estén más estrechamente relacionados con la actuación de Pompeyo Magno, en especial con aquellos lugares en que tenemos documentado a individuos con este gentilicio. Pero ni mucho menos puede admitirse por definición que el portador del gentilicio Pompeius hubiera obtenido la ciudadanía romana de Pompeyo Magno o hubiera sido cliente de éste. ; [eng] Pompeius is one of the most frequent and abundant Roman names of the Roman Empire. Notably, this nomen figures prominently in Hispania and Gaul Narbonense. Pompey is a name that is still used today, either as a proper name or as a surname, or in both forms, in various languages, preferably in the first case, as is the case with other Roman nomina. This name remembers to Cn. Pompey the Great (cos. I 70 BC), one of the most important political and military leaders of the late Republic, the best-known personage with this gentilice, whose activity in the Sertorian war (83-72 BC) can partly explain the frequency of this name in the aforementioned territories. In this way, one of the elements that has been used to indicate the presence, frequency and importance of the clientela of the gens Pompeia in Hispania is the record of epigraphic testimonies where individuals appear who had the name Pompeius and Pompeianus. This approach is based on the idea that the importance and extent of a clientela is expressed in the number of people who would hold the nomen of the gens in question, a criterion that has been used in a large number of Republican-era families that have had an outstanding performance in the Iberian Peninsula. The analysis of the existing evidence indicates that the appearance of the nomen Pompeius in Hispania may be due to four causes: the granting of Roman citizenship by Pompey the Great or his sons; the adaptation of the Roman onomastics by the natives through the process of acculturation; Italic immigration, and freedmen who adopted their patron's name. But, above all, the presence of the nomen Pompeius (and, by extension, in others important figures of the republican and even imperial times) responds to an adaptation of the onomastics by acculturation (mimicry, as J. Gómez-Pantoja has called it ) by the indigenous population. The name Pompeius is presented to us as an element of "Romanity", of the use of a name well known among the inhabitants of the Peninsula as an element of integration within the provincial society.
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Esta contribución es una versión revisada, actualizada y sustancialmente ampliada del artículo del autor publicado bajo el título «La cultura epigráfica de la Hispania romana: inscripciones, auto-representación y orden social» en las dos ediciones del volumen Hispania. El legado de Roma, editadas por M. Almagro-Gorbea y J. M. Álvarez Martínez et alii en los años 1998 y 1999. El objetivo del estudio es dar una vista general de la historia de la cultura epigráfica de los romanos en la Península Ibérica a lo largo de casi mil años, con especial atención a problemas epigráficos tratados por el autor durante más de cuarenta años, de lo que resulta que en primer lugar se traten las inscripciones de la Hispania citerior, mientras que los epígrafes de la Baetica y de la Lusitania aparecen solamente de forma colateral. En el Imperio romano se conocen más de 400.000 inscripciones latinas. Unas 25.000 de ellas proceden de la Península Ibérica, donde su cantidad aumenta continuamente por nuevos hallazgos. Sin embargo, también la revisión de inscripciones conocidas ya desde hace mucho tiempo puede ofrecer nuevos conocimientos importantes. Entre los hallazgos epigráficos más recientes se encuentran documentos de gran importancia como la lex Irnitana, el nuevo fragmento de la lex Ursonensis, la Tabula Siarensis, el Senatus consultum de Cnaeo Pisone patre o últimamente el edicto de Augusto encontrado en El Bierzo y la lex rivi Hiberiensis. Para orientarse en la gran masa de la inscripciones de Hispania está justificada una nueva edicion del volumen II del Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (último fascículo aparecido: CIL II2, Pars XIV, Conventus Tarraconensis, Fasc. 2, Colonia Iulia Urbs Triumphalis Tarraco, 2011). La más antigua inscripción lapidaria de la Hispania romana y de todo el Occidente romano es la inscripción dedicada a Menrva, es decir, a Minerva, en Tarraco durante la segunda guerra púnica. Son pocas, relativamente, las inscripciones hispanas pertenecientes a la época republicana, principalmente a sus últimos decenios; su concentración más importante se observa en Carthago Nova. Como consecuencia de la fundación de colonias y municipios bajo el reinado de Caesar, y en particular de Augusto, tuvo lugar un incremento notable de la cultura epigráfica de Hispania. Buenos ejemplos para el nacimiento y la difusión del epigraphic habit ofrecen, entre otras ciudades, Saguntum y Segobriga. En los fora de estos municipios, establecidos bajo Augusto, se encuentran inscripciones pavimentales con letras de bronce que fueron doradas, en consonancia con la difusión de esta nueva técnica epigráfica de la época augustea para glorificar la nueva aurea aetas; los fora y los demás edificios públicos se llenaron con inscripciones honorarias, grabadas en el pedestal de la estatuas de los emperadores, de los representantes del gobierno romano y de los miembros de las élites locales. Con frecuencia se pusieron monumentos sepulcrales, no sólo de los miembros de las capas superiores, sino también de los estratos sociales dependientes de la aristocracia, incluso de sus libertos y esclavos que, como los estratos inferiores de la sociedad romana en general, imitaban los métodos de la autorepresentación de sus dueños. La cultura epigráfica se difundió en época augustea y julio-claudia no solamente en la parte oriental de la Hispania citerior y en la Baetica, es decir, en las zonas de fuerte romanización de la Península Ibérica, sino también en el interior y en el noroeste de Hispania. En época flavia y trajanea tuvo lugar en Hispania una verdadera "explosión epigráfica«: en esta época el número de inscripciones aumentó en muchas ciudades y en sus territorios de un modo sorprendente, y aparecieron nuevos tipos de monumentos epigráficos. En Tarraco, por ejemplo, de las aproximadamente 1.600 inscripciones de la ciudad, sólo unas 100 se fechan en época republicana, augustea y julio-claudia; el resto es posterior, y la mayor parte pertenece a la época flavia y antonina; desde el reinado de Vespasiano se observa, entre otras cosas, la producción en masa de pedestales para estatuas con inscripciones honorarias, anteriormente desconocidas. Se puede hablar casi de una "revolución cultural«. El motivo para este cambio radical del epigraphic habit fue el cambio en la mentalidad de las élites y, siguiendo los comportamientos de ellas, también de grandes masas de las capas inferiores. Para Tácito, Hispania fue ya en época de Tiberio in omnes provincias exemplum; con la proclamación de Galba como emperador se cumplió la antigua profecía de que un día Hispania presentaría al dominus rerum; la extensión del ius Latii a todas las comunidades de Hispania por Vespasiano significó que el país llegó a ser una región casi como Italia; y el ascenso de muchos hispanos en el orden senatorial y con Trajano y Adriano hasta el poder supremo produjo en las élites hispánicas la sensación de que eran verdaderos romanos. Las inscripciones tenían que expresar su romanidad, su poder y su esplendor – un comportamiento que dio motivo también a muchos estratos inferiores para imitar el epigraphic habit de las élites según sus propias posibilidades. Sin embargo, desde mediados del siglo II la representación epigráfica de las élites sociales empezó a cesar. Desde la época de Marco Aurelio y Comodo, la costumbre de erigir monumentos honorarios para los miembros de las capas superiores acabó casi de forma general, y en muchas ciudades, entre ellas centros urbanos con un patrimonio epigráfico considerable en épocas precedentes y con una estructura social tan diferente como, por ejemplo, Saguntum, Segobriga o Segovia, el epigraphic habit desde finales del siglo II prácticamente desapareció. En una ciudad con una tradición epigráfica tan grandiosa como Tarraco, en el siglo III sólo muestra una continuidad la cultura epigráfica sepulcral. Por cierto, en los siglos III y IV los emperadores también recibieron obligatoriamente estatuas honorarias con inscripciones en su pedestal, pero desde mediados del siglo III estos pedestales fueron, no solamente en Tarraco, monumentos anteriores reutilizados (como evidentemente también las estatuas). El retroceso general del epigraphic habit en una ciudad anteriormente tan rica como Carthago Nova, antes que en otras ciudades, se explica por una parte por las grandes dificultades económicas que afectaron a muchas ciudades hispanas ya a mediados del siglo II, pero por otra parte también por el cambio de la mentalidad de las élites, que perdieron su interés en la autorepresentación con monumentos caros y que presentaban su rango social sobre todo en manifestaciones públicas. En algunas ciudades hispánicas la cultura epigráfica continuó también en época tardoimperial como una cultura epigráfica cristiana. El nucleo principal de la epigrafía cristiana en la Península ibérica fue Tarraco, con unas 140 inscripciones, no sólo en los siglos IV y V, sino también bajo el dominio visigodo hasta la invasión árabe a comienzos del siglo VIII. Las inscripciones cristianas, incluso las visigodas, casi sin excepción funerarias, conservaron todavía elementos de la tradición epigráfica anterior y, con ésta, de la cultura romana, pero su objetivo principal fue expresar la fe cristiana. ; This contribution is a revised, updated and considerably expanded version of the author's article published under the title «La cultura epigráfica de la Hispania romana: inscripciones, auto-representación y orden social» [«The epigraphic culture of Roman Hispania: inscriptions, self-representation and social order»] in the two editions of the volume Hispania. El legado de Roma, [Hispania. The legacy of Rome] edited by M. Almagro-Gorbea and J. M. Álvarez Martínez et alii in 1998 and 1999. The objective of the study is to give a general overview of the history of the epigraphic culture of the Romans in the Iberian Peninsula over almost a thousand years, with special reference to epigraphic problems that the author has been studying for more than forty years, which show first of all that the inscriptions relate to Hispania citerior, while epigraphs appear in Baetica and Lusitania only incidentally. More than 400,000 inscriptions are attributed to the Roman Empire; some 25,000 of them come from the Iberian Peninsula, where the number is continually growing as a result of new finds. However, reviewing inscriptions that have been known for a long time can also yield important new information. Amongst the most recent epigraphic finds are documents of major importance such as the lex Irnitana, the new fragment of the lex Ursonensis, the Tabula Siarensis, the Senatus consultum de Cnaeo Pisone patre and recently the edict by Augustus found in El Bierzo and the lex rivi Hiberiensis. A new edition of volume II of the Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum is justified to classify the vast number of inscriptions in Hispania (the last supplement to appear is: CIL II2, Pars XIV, Conventus Tarraconensis, Fasc. 2, Colonia Iulia Urbs Triumphalis Tarraco, 2011). The oldest lapidary inscription from Roman Hispania and the whole of the Roman West is the inscription dedicated to Menrva, i.e., to Minerva, in Tarraco during the second Punic war. There are relatively few Hispanic inscriptions belonging to the republican era, and those that are known belong mainly to its final decades; the most important concentration is from Carthago Nova. As a result of the foundation of colonies and municipia under the reign of Caesar, and more particularly that of Augustus, the epigraphic culture in Hispania increased considerably. Good examples showing the origin and extension of the epigraphic habit can be seen in Saguntum and Segobriga, amongst other cities. In the fora of these municipia, established under Augustus, there are pavement inscriptions with gilded bronze lettering. They reflect the spread of this new epigraphic technique developed in the Augustan period for glorifying the new aurea aetas; the fora and the other public buildings were filled with honorary inscriptions, carved in the pedestals of statues of emperors, representatives of the Roman government and members of the local elites. Tomb monuments were frequently erected, not just for the members of the upper echelons, but also for members of the social strata dependent on the aristocracy, including their freedmen and slaves who, like the lower classes of Roman society in general, imitated their master's methods of self-representation. The epigraphic culture spread in the Augustan and Julio-Claudian period not only in the eastern part of Hispania citerior and Baetica, i.e. in heavily Romanised parts of the Iberian Peninsula, but also in the interior and the northwest of Hispania. In the Flavian and Trajanic period a real «epigraphic explosion» took place in Hispania: in this period there was a surprising increase in the number of inscriptions in many cities and their territories, and new types of epigraphic monuments appeared. In Tarraco, for example, only 100 of the approximately 1600 inscriptions in the city date to the Republican, Augustan and Julio-Claudian period; the rest are later, and most belong to the Flavian and Antonine period; from Vespasian's reign onwards we can see, amongst other things, the mass production of pedestals for statues with honorary inscriptions, which was not previously seen. It could almost be called a «cultural revolution». The reason for this radical change in the epigraphic habit was the changing mentality of the elites and that of the great masses of the lower ranks who emulated them. For Tacitus, Hispania was already in omnes provincias exemplum in the time of Tiberius; when Galba was declared emperor the ancient prophecy that one day Hispania would represent the dominus rerum was fulfilled; Vespasian's extension of the ius Latii to all the communities of Hispania meant that the country became a region almost like Italy; and the rise of many Hispanics to the senatorial order and, in the case of Trajan and Hadrian, even becoming emperor, gave the Hispanic elites the impression that they were true Romans. Inscriptions had to express their 'Romanness', their power and their splendour – conduct that also encouraged the lower classes to imitate the epigraphic habit of the elites as far as they could. However, from the mid-second century onwards the epigraphic representation of social elites declined. From the time of Marcus Aurelius and Commodus the custom of erecting honorary monuments for members of the upper echelons ceased almost entirely and from the end of the second century the epigraphic habit practically disappeared from many cities, including towns such as Saguntum, Segobriga and Segovia with very different social structures that had previously had a considerable epigraphic heritage. By the third century Tarraco, a city that had had an impressive epigraphic tradition, produced only tomb inscriptions. It is true that in the third and fourth centuries the obligatory honorary statues with inscriptions on their pedestals were dedicated to emperors, but from the mid-third century onwards these pedestals come – not only in Tarraco – from previous monuments that were reused (as the statues evidently were too). The general decline of the epigraphic habit in a city such as Carthago Nova, which had once been so rich, even before it fell out of favour in other cities, is explained on one hand by the major economic difficulties already affecting many Hispanic cities by the mid-second century, and on the other by the changing mentality of the elites, who lost interest in depicting themselves with expensive monuments and instead displayed their social rank mainly by funding public spectacles. In some Hispanic cities the epigraphic culture endured into the late imperial era as a Christian epigraphic culture. The main focal point of Christian epigraphy in the Iberian Peninsula was Tarraco, with about 140 inscriptions, not only in the fourth and fifth centuries, but also under Visigoth rule before the Arab invasion at the beginning of the eighth century. Christian inscriptions, including those of the Visigoths, were almost without exception funerary and still preserved elements of the earlier epigraphic tradition and, with it, Roman culture, but its main intention was to express the Christian faith.
The United States holds dear our values of democracy, civil liberties, and the separation of the branches of our government. In fact, every member of our armed services has sworn an oath to defend the parchment that declares these institutions sacred, and it is the obligation of the United States Armed Forces to preserve and protect those democratic liberties which we hold dear. Given this, it is surprising to know that US Army doctrine idolizes a military dictator, who knowingly seized complete control of his home state following political unrest. Intriguingly, this same figure, who was revered by his soldiers and that same state he commandeered, struggled with marital and familial conflicts his entire life. These statements may be confusing, as there couldn't have possible been a military coup in the United States, let alone a leader of that coup who is still beloved by his statesmen today. Ironically, this individual is no other than Civil War hero Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain. While the aforementioned facts are not popularly discussed in history, many Americans know and recognize Chamberlain and his contribution to the United States. He is remembered for his actions in battle which earned him the Medal of Honor later in life. Joshua L. Chamberlain is undoubtedly one of the most popularly researched and written figures in the American Civil War era. Moreover, there are a multitude of sources that further my research, answering the question of how Chamberlain was remembered during and after the war compared to evidence of the life he lived. Upon examination of several key books and articles that discuss the memory of Chamberlain, from during the war to the modern day, a baseline literature review can be made regarding the question as well as its answer. These selected works have all contributed to the field regarding Joshua Chamberlain and how he is remembered both in his own time and our modern age. ; Winner of the 2022 Friends of the Kreitzberg Library Award for Outstanding Research in the Senior Arts/Humanities category. ; Investigating Joshua L. Chamberlain; Distinctions Between the Memory and Reality of Maine's Famed Colonel Jacob Maker HI 430 A Professor Sodergren 12 December 2021 1 The United States holds dear our values of democracy, civil liberties, and the separation of the branches of our government. In fact, every member of our armed services has sworn an oath to defend the parchment that declares these institutions sacred, and it is the obligation of the United States Armed Forces to preserve and protect those democratic liberties which we hold dear. Given this, it is surprising to know that US Army doctrine idolizes a military dictator, who knowingly seized complete control of his home state following political unrest. Intriguingly, this same figure, who was revered by his soldiers and that same state he commandeered, struggled with marital and familial conflicts his entire life. These statements may be confusing, as there couldn't have possible been a military coup in the United States, let alone a leader of that coup who is still beloved by his statesmen today. Ironically, this individual is no other than Civil War hero Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain. While the aforementioned facts are not popularly discussed in history, many Americans know and recognize Chamberlain and his contribution to the United States. He is remembered for his actions in battle which earned him the Medal of Honor later in life. Joshua L. Chamberlain is undoubtedly one of the most popularly researched and written figures in the American Civil War era. Moreover, there are a multitude of sources that further my research, answering the question of how Chamberlain was remembered during and after the war compared to evidence of the life he lived. Upon examination of several key books and articles that discuss the memory of Chamberlain, from during the war to the modern day, a baseline literature review can be made regarding the question as well as its answer. These selected works have all contributed to the field regarding Joshua Chamberlain and how he is remembered both in his own time and our modern age. Academic books such as Hands of Providence by Alice Rains Trulock, John Pullen's Twentieth Maine, and Conceived in Liberty by Mark Perry portray Chamberlain in a prolific 2 light. They all generally revere him, initiating their books with praise calling him "a great American hero and a genuinely good man," as well as "remarkable" and a "graceful gentleman".1 Not only do these historians hold these ideals, but the US Army and other agencies openly promote Chamberlain for his heroics without analyzing the reality of who he was holistically.2 Hands of Providence is one of the more prolific biographies describing Chamberlain and the 20th Maine. Trulock writes of his life before, during, and after his war service. She accurately illustrates how Chamberlain's colleagues at Bowdoin, as well as others in his life, regarded him early in the war.3 Comparatively, she notes statements from his soldiers about how they viewed him during the war, both in good and bad lights.4 Pullen does the same, but instead focuses mainly on the unit instead of its commander. This also allows for more in-depth analysis of how his men, and soldiers of the Confederacy, viewed Chamberlain.5 He also describes his work ethic, intelligence, and leadership characteristics regarding how they effected his colonelcy and command during the war. Conceived in Liberty differentiates from the other works because it primarily focuses on the two commanders at Little Round Top and their lives before, during, and after the war. This includes some of the more unsavory events that Trulock and Perry omit, particularly how Chamberlain's home life regarding his wife Fannie's disappointment in their marriage.6 The mentioning of this, as well as information about the abovementioned 1880 affair make this source stand apart from the others.7 1 Trulock, Hands of Providence, xvii; Pullen, Twentieth Maine, 3. 2 United States Department of Defense, "Medal of Honor Monday," https://www.defense.gov/News/Feature-Stories/story/Article/2086560/medal-of-honor-monday-army-maj-gen-joshua-chamberlain/ [accessed 3 November 2021]; Weart, "Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain," https://themilitaryleader.com/leadership-action-chamberlain/ [accessed 3 November 2021]. 3 Trulock, Hands of Providence, 11; Trulock, Hands of Providence, 57; Trulock, Hands of Providence, 105. 4 Trulock, Hands of Providence, 305. 5 Pullen, Twentieth Maine, 128. 6 Perry, Conceived in Liberty, 4; Perry, Conceived in Liberty, 42; Perry, Conceived in Liberty, 333. 7 Perry, Conceived in Liberty, 387-392. 3 Edward Longacre's The Soldier and the Man is an interesting contradictory source. Instead of constant praise for Chamberlain, Longacre credits him for both his good and poor actions during the war. He calls into question his ego and insecurities, selfish desires for greatness above all else, and indifference towards soldiers to include ordering their execution.8 Longacre writes this from a different perspective, that of truth regarding Chamberlain's life both good and bad. There have also been two articles that discuss Chamberlain and his leadership both written by military officers. The first is "Leadership as a Force Multiplier" by Lieutenant Colonel Fred Hillyard, and the second is "Blood and Fire", written by Major John Cuddy. Hillyard focuses on Chamberlain's leadership characteristics while deeming if he deserves the high pedestal he is placed upon, while Cuddy analyzes how different scholars understood Chamberlain and his leadership philosophy. They both state how Chamberlain has been designated as a symbol of leadership within the military and agree that he received all his knowledge from his commander, Colonel Ames, who was West Point educated.9 Furthermore, they consider Chamberlain in a favorable light by calling him a military genius.10 This differs from other sources in that it outright debates his poor attributes instead of assuming him to be an admirable figure. These articles exemplify the dichotomy of reality and fiction regarding how Chamberlain is remembered. This literature provides insight on the dichotomy of thought regarding Chamberlain, with the more mainstream historians, like Trulock, Pullen, and Perry picturing him as an idyllic, humble, and professional gentlemen who represented the best of Federal officers. This is countered by more modern writers, such as Longacre, Hillyard, and Cuddy, understanding that 8 Longacre, The Soldier and the Man, 100; Longacre, The Soldier and the Man, 118. 9 Hillyard, "Force Multiplier", 4. 10 Cuddy, "Blood and Fire", 2. 4 Chamberlain was by no means perfect, and his flaws should be investigated as much as his successes. Chamberlain's life and legacy is extremely important because it effects how we remember him and his actions during the Civil War. Popular history tells us of Chamberlain's battlefield heroics and of his gentlemanly manner both in and out of battle. Yet, what has not been compiled popularly is the reality of his life, and the memory associated with it. Growing up in Maine, learning about Chamberlain and his regiment was common, mainly as a high point in Maine's history. However, it is increasingly important to recognize who our leaders and heroes were in their lives and hold them accountable for both the good and bad things they did over the course of their lives. Throughout the research, Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain was viewed in high regard by both his adversaries and peers during the Civil War, as well as in his post-war politics, continuing into today's popular history. Yet, there are differing opinions that emerge over time regarding whether his political skills were as impressive as portrayed as well as how multiple personal issues plagued him and his ability to execute the offices bestowed upon him. *** Joshua Chamberlain came from a respected family in Brewer, Maine, outside of Bangor. In the Bangor area, and later Brunswick, Chamberlain and his relatives were regarded as model citizens who held dear to principles of toughness, work ethic, and democratic values.11 He was raised with these morals and sought after them in his personal and professional life. Concepts of honesty and integrity became trademarks of the family, with his parents expecting those attributes from the Chamberlain children.12 Educated in religion at the Bangor Seminary as well 11 Trulock, Hands of Providence, 57; Longacre, The Soldier and the Man, 16. 12 Trulock, Hands of Providence, 57. 5 as traditionally at Bowdoin, he garnered a reputation as an astute academic who was a stickler for the rules and lived by a code of honor.13 Despite his found success in the classroom, Chamberlain had always fancied a military lifestyle, devoting one term of school at the Whiting Military Academy in 1843, as well as participating in several musters with the Maine Militia before entering service in the Civil War.14 Soon after his schooling, Chamberlain accepted a position as a professor at his alma mater, Bowdoin College. He influenced and instructed students on rhetoric and language prior to the war, even writing recommendations and using his political sway to help students gain commissions and enlistments.15 Eventually, his longing to serve coincided with the nation's necessity for leadership. Joshua Chamberlain's contributions to the preservation of the Union are undoubted, yet the perception of him by peers before and in the early years of the conflict indicate dissenting opinions from his popular reference as a revered leader by all. With the nation at war, Chamberlain's desire to serve increased daily as students graduated, or dropped their academics, and enlisted to serve the Union. In envy, Chamberlain utilized his familial and academic connections to pen a letter to the Governor of Maine, Israel Washburn. In this letter he states, "I have always been interested in military matters, and what I do not know in that line I know how to learn", pleading with the governor to allow a man with no military background or training a chance to command.16 Having claimed to be taking sabbatical in Europe, his colleagues detested his notion to leave Bowdoin and sent letters to the Governor urging him to not grant Chamberlain a commission declaring him to be "'no fighter, but only a mild-mannered common student'", "'nothing at all'", and "'good for nothing'".17 Evidently, despite he and his family's 13 Longacre, The Soldier and the Man, 20, 25-26. 14 Longacre, The Soldier and the Man, 18, 53. 15 Nespitt, Through Blood & Fire, 17. 16 Joshua Chamberlain, as quoted in Nespitt, Through Blood & Fire, 9. 17 Colleagues at Bowdoin, as quoted in Trulock, Hands of Providence, 11. 6 reputation throughout Maine, some harbored public doubts about his ability to lead men into battle, mainly because he was thought to be needed more in his role as a Professor at Bowdoin than in the army by some. Contrarily, there were others who supported Chamberlain's military ambitions full-heartedly. Brunswick's reputable physician, Dr. John D. Lincoln, wrote on Chamberlain's behalf, declaring him to be "'as capable of commanding… as any man out of… West Point" and that the enlisted men would surely "'rally around his standard as they would around a hero.'"18 It wasn't just family friends who supported Chamberlain, local newspapers deemed him "a capable and efficient officer" both fit for battle and the lieutenant colonelcy of the 20th Maine.19 The political sway of the his physician as well as the admirability of local press convinced Governor Washburn to grant Chamberlain's commission, yet opting instead to place West Point educated Adelbert Ames of Rockland as commander of the unit due to Chamberlain's lack of field experience and general military knowledge.20 Although there was noted dissent regarding his commission, his soldiers and fellow officers attest to his leadership attributes both under fire and while encamped. In accordance with what Dr. Lincoln wrote to Governor Washburn, he was commended by his troops as being "idolized" within the unit for his stature and leadership, unlike Ames who was viewed as tyrannical and cruel to his men.21 The men of the 20th Maine were driven towards Chamberlain's sympathetic, more egalitarian leadership style, as Ames gave his men no respect believing that military hierarchy should be placed above all else. The men of the unit rejected this, as in Maine 18 Lincoln, as quoted in Trulock, Hands of Providence, 11-12. 19 "Letter from the State Capitol," Portland Daily Press. 20 Longacre, The Soldier and the Man, 55. 21 Pullen, Twentieth Maine, 77. 7 they and their commander stood evenly on the social scale.22 Colonel Ames was detested for his constant drill and disrespect for his men, being proclaimed by his soldiers as a "'savage" whose "'men would surely shoot him'" when drawn into battle.23 Ames was blissfully unaware of these thoughts, but Chamberlain relished his public perception and continued to care deeply about his men and by extension his image. By default, the volunteers fell on Chamberlain for support and assurance, as they distrusted their Colonel. Chamberlain proved himself militarily at Fredericksburg, and most notably Gettysburg, as a great military officer and tactician. Although his actions are known and renowned, the perspective of him by others during battle is paramount to understanding how he was perceived. For example, over the course of the war Colonel Ames forced many of his regiment's officers to resign due to poor performance and lack of leadership, yet he referred to Chamberlain as his "'best officer'" who led from the front and modeled honor and bravery for his unit.24 Soldiers testified to an instance where his academic and military intelligence united to deceive the enemy by pretending to be a Confederate under the cover of darkness, fooling the enemy into believing the Union line was far away.25 They also pronounced his leadership as something that should be exemplified, as he refused to order his men into unnecessary danger and would not give them orders he would not execute himself.26 This praise was not solely from his soldiers, but other officers from around the army. The commanding general of the Fifth Corps, General Sykes, congratulated him after Gettysburg by saying that the actions of the 20th Maine, and Chamberlain's leadership thereof, were the most 22 Loski, Chamberlains of Brewer, 15. 23 Thomas Chamberlain, as quoted in Loski, Chamberlains of Brewer, 15. 24 Ames, as quoted in Trulock, Hands of Providence, 105. 25 Pullen, Twentieth Maine, 57. 26 Pullen, Twentieth Maine, 80; Trulock, Hands of Providence, 151. 8 important to occur during the battle and that if Little Round Top was lost so was the Union cause.27 His direct superior, Colonel Rice, declared "'your gallantry was magnificent, and your coolness and skill saved us.'" indicating a consensus amongst all involved that Chamberlain's actions were valiant and noble placing him amongst the army's most superb officers.28 His subordinates and supervisors agreed that Chamberlain was an exceptional officer, which is something to note considering some officers, like General Thomas, were liked by their men and hated by their leaders. While it is not surprising that comrades of Chamberlain praised him, the reactions and testimonies of his enemies are important as well. Colonel William Oates was the commander of the opposing 15th Alabama at Little Round Top, and remarkably only had good things to say about Chamberlain. Oates stated that the decisiveness taken by the 20th Maine made them the hardest fighting unit he had ever seen, and that their "'gallant Colonel'" possessed exorbitant amounts of "'skill and… great bravery'" that saved the Union from defeat.29 Another anonymous soldier recollected on how, during Little Round Top, he had a clear line of sight on Chamberlain, yet felt a strong feeling not to fire upon him. He adhered to this feeling, and later expressed how glad he was that he hadn't killed him in a letter to Chamberlain.30 However, it was not only units involved in direct conflict against Chamberlain that respected him. During the surrender at Appomattox, Confederate Major General John B. Gordon stated that the officer from Maine was "'one of the knightliest soldiers of the Federal army'" because of the respect Chamberlain had bestowed upon the surrendering forces.31 Instead of 27 Trulock, Hands of Providence, 155. 28 Rice, as quoted in Trulock, Hands of Providence, 155; Perry, Conceived in Liberty, 271. 29 Oates, as quoted in Pullen, Twentieth Maine, 128. 30 Pullen, Twentieth Maine, 122. 31 Gordon, as quoted in Trulock, Hands of Providence, 305. 9 humiliating the men as they laid down their weapons, Chamberlain ensured that they were treated fairly, yet still making it known who the victor was. In postwar years, editions of the Confederate Veteran painted Chamberlain in a similar fashion. They tell of how brilliant he and his unit were in battle, over 35 years after the end of hostilities.32 The magazine makes it known how great of a leader Confederate soldiers believed he was. In fact, he is cited as representing the Federal Army in 1913 at a monument dedication in Chattanooga, Tennessee. This reconciliatory monument represented the peace between the states by inscribing the names of both Confederate and Federal war dead. Furthermore, Chamberlain attended as a "distinguished soldier" and gentlemen in the eyes of former Confederates.33 It is common for friendly forces to recognize the brilliance of successful military actions; yet surprising that enemy combatants also revered Chamberlain and his actions despite their catastrophic impact on the Confederate war effort. Chamberlain is remembered after the war for his accolades as a representative of Maine while pursuing political aspirations and maintaining public appearances, yet his support never faltered, and he remained generally well respected despite familial disputes and marital issues that troubled his private life. Politically savvy since his days as a professor, Chamberlain made the jump from wartime commander to state executive in a matter of years after the conclusion of hostilities. An indication of his popularity with the people of Maine, he was elected with the largest majority of any gubernatorial candidate in his first election. He ran on the promise to ratify the 14th and 15th amendments, all while ensuring the former Confederacy paid for their sins while earning their right of federal representation. 34 32 "About a Distinguished Southern Family," Confederate Veteran. 33 "Herbert Head of Peace Memorial", Confederate Veteran. 34 Joshua Chamberlain, as quoted in Trulock, Hands of Providence, 337. 10 Chamberlain desired "'suspension of certain privileges'" and "'certain rights'" for former Confederates, of which he believed had been relinquished by waging war. 35 He appealed to Congress, arguing that war is not a game, therefore the losers should be held accountable for their transgressions. He was known for a conservative streak compared to other Republicans, which itself angered those radicals in Maine politics. For example, he publicly argued against allowing suffrage to freedmen, claiming it to be too much of a change too quickly.36 He also supported Maine's conservative senator in voting against the impeachment of Andrew Jackson, an obvious minority opinion in fiercely liberal Republican politics. 37 He was never a practical politician, but his neglect of party viewpoints disgruntled leaders within Republican forums. This was different from other reconstruction leaders, as many focused-on reconciliation instead of punishment and often sided with the powerful postwar party. Although popular among the citizens of the state, he was unprepared for the life of a politician. In essence, he was not prepared for dissenting opinion, and outright disregard for his point of view at times, as he was at this point used to military reverence for the commanders orders. He fought with the legislature on several issues, mainly temperance and the legality of capital punishment in the state, but also found common ground and gained support from both parties.38 Previous legislations had proposed and supported temperance committees that oversaw laws regulating alcohol use and distribution. They established "special police", which Chamberlain declared an unconstitutional infringement on the rights of Mainers.39 He wrote to the legislature describing his dissatisfaction regarding this bill yet felt it his duty as executive to 35 Joshua Chamberlain, as quoted in Trulock, Hands of Providence, 338. 36 Longacre, The Soldier and the Man, 264. 37 Trulock, Hands of Providence, 338. 38 Trulock, Hands of Providence, 338. 39 Trulock, Hands of Providence, 338; Goulka, Grand Old Maine of Maine, 25. 11 sign it nevertheless due to its success in the legislature.40 He angered many within the state with his conduct regarding this issue, refusing to attend temperance meetings and denying them public forums. Chamberlain took his position as governor quite literally, as is evident by his signing of bills he disagreed with instead of vetoing them. He believed it was his, and the government of Maine's, responsibility to enact and therefore enforce law. By extension, he brought this same fervor to the capital punishment debate saying that laws should either change or be enforced. He is quoted saying, "'If we cannot make our practice conform to our law, [we must] make our law agree with our practice'".41 This debate had been raging far before Chamberlain was Governor, with his predecessors simply tabling execution authorizations as it was state law the Governor had to authorize each death with a signature. Furthermore, he used his executive power to commute sentences, but insisted on carrying out many of them considering it, again, his elected duty.42 He confided in his mother that "'many are bitter on me about capital punishment but it does not disturb me in the least'", continuing to describe that some had sent threatening letters in response to his ordering of the executions. 43 He responded calmly "'The poor fool for whomever thinks he can scare me… is mistaken… I do not have a particle of fear in me of anything that walks or flies,'" assuring his mother of his safety.44 His administration was not without success, as garnered support on several important issues. Chamberlain's exoneration of Civil War veterans with pardons received support from both parties, and the people as well.45 Furthermore, the establishment of the Maine's agriculture 40 Goulka, Grand Old Maine of Maine, 79; Smith, Fanny and Joshua, 197. 41 Joshua Chamberlain, as quoted in Trulock, Hands of Providence, 339. 42 Trulock, Hands of Providence, 339. 43 Joshua Chamberlain, as quoted in Goulka, Grand Old Maine of Maine, 75. 44 Joshua Chamberlain, as quoted in Goulka, Grand Old Maine of Maine, 75. 45 Goulka, Grand Old Maine of Maine, 71. 12 academy, the predecessor of the University of Maine, under his administration again excited the people and both political parties.46 This school created another avenue of education for Maine's youth, one not affiliated directly with the little ivy elite of Bowdoin, Bates, and Colby Colleges. Despite his immense popularity, and the fact that both parties supported him in a fifth term, Mainers typically regarded him as an ineffective politician.47 Today, he is not remembered for his political career or exploits, with historians and everyday people recognizing him for his war exploits. Unbeknownst to the public, while Chamberlain pursued political and public aspirations, his family was disintegrating. Not only did he and Fannie have marital issues, but his siblings all experienced turmoil that was directly and indirectly caused by the patriarch's endeavors. During the war, it was known that Fannie and Chamberlain were often at odds regarding their marriage and the direction of their lives. While she begrudgingly supported her husband's military endeavors, she was often distant during the war and hoped that when he returned to Maine he would settle down and make time for her.48 According to letters between the two, it appears that Fannie would often neglect to return letters to Chamberlain, saying he had sent seven letters by October of 1862 compared to receiving only two from his wife.49 This pattern continues throughout the war with Chamberlain asking "'Where are you… I do not hear from you all this long while?. It is more than a month that I have heard a word from you?'".50 Fannie and Chamberlain's marriage was strained by the distance and lack of communication during the war, yet his issues would also follow him into his post-war career. 46 Goulka, Grand Old Maine of Maine, 25. 47 Goulka, Grand Old Maine of Maine, 25. 48 Perry, Conceived in Liberty, 333. 49 Nespitt, Through Blood & Fire, 23. 50 Joshua Chamberlain, as quoted in Desjardin, Life in Letters, 184. 13 Fannie understood how tenaciously ambitious her husband was. He was a man of perception, and it came to no surprise to her that he accepted the Republican nomination and subsequent election as governor. Unlike her support during the war, Fannie made it clear she did not and would not encourage him in this undertaking, as she felt neglected as a wife.51 She felt so strongly about this, she refused to accompany her husband in Augusta, instead opting to stay in Brunswick. He missed her dearly and wanted to share his experience as governor with her pleading, "'we are getting rather lonesome without you…'" while encouraging her to accompany him saying "'we are having some quite pleasant times, only you are wanting to complete our happiness.'"52 Still, despite his proposed love and longing for his wife, their marriage continued to decline throughout his term to the point of abuse accusations and threats of divorce. Fannie, extremely unhappy with her marriage by 1868, released public statements alleging physical and mental abuse during their marriage. Chamberlain's response was chilling, saying "'if it were not you… I should make quick work of these calumniaters…'".53 Seeming more concerned with his public image than his marriage or the state of his wife, he says his enemies will "'ruin'" him when they catch hold of the allegations.54 Chamberlain scolded her like a child, warning her of the perils that faced widows in their society, as well as the unsought humiliation a separation would bring for himself and their families.55 These marital issues continued for the remainder of their lives, with Chamberlain confused on how or why his wife remained so disappointed in their union. They came to a mutual agreement, that they would remain married to preserve public respect for themselves and their family while living separately 51 Perry, Conceived in Liberty, 334. 52 Perry, Conceived in Liberty, 334; Joshua Chamberlain, as quoted in Goulka, Grand Old Maine of Maine, 59. 53 Joshua Chamberlain, as quoted in Smith, Fanny and Joshua, 195. 54 Joshua Chamberlain, as quoted in Smith, Fanny and Joshua, 195. 55 Trulock, Hands of Providence, 341. 14 for much of the remainder of their lives.56 These public statements were used as fodder by his enemies but amounted to make little difference as Chamberlain was subsequently reelected. Despite this, it is important to understand these accusations to therefore appreciate Chamberlain holistically, and acknowledge their absence in popular history. During the war, Joshua's brother Tom fought alongside Chamberlain in the 20th Maine while the remaining Chamberlains awaited the return of their soldiers. Sarah, their sister, continued life at home while John, being chronically ill, served alongside his brothers as a Chaplain. Upon returning home, John became increasingly sick. Despite the ailments of his brother, Chamberlain ran and was elected for governor whilst his wife spent considerable time caring for John.57 Tom, meanwhile, was lost after his wartime service. He lived and worked in New York for a time, yet never found anything worthwhile. Soon thereafter, John died and Governor Chamberlain left his Tom to fend for himself, stranding him both financially and emotionally as Tom had come to rely on the hospitality of John in Chamberlain's absence.58 Later in life he did the same, as Tom returned to Maine in 1889 after failed pursuits in Florida. Chamberlain, now retired, refused to help him as he had his own financial problems. Tom, neglected to attend any reunions of the 20th Maine, therefore allowing his brother to obtain the spotlight.59 Upon Tom's death, Chamberlain retained the same mindset regarding his siblings. Despite this, Tom never resented his brother, in fact encouraging and supporting him until the day of his death.60 Joshua Chamberlain made himself a priority throughout his life, doing so by routinely disregarding the needs of his loved ones in exchange for his own. This is 56 Perry, Conceived in Liberty, 339. 57 Loski, Chamberlains of Brewer, 78. 58 Loski, Chamberlains of Brewer, 82. 59 Loski, Chamberlains of Brewer, 86. 60 Loski, Chamberlains of Brewer, 88. 15 another unknown aspect of Chamberlain's life, and something that he and popular historians do not want the public to see, as it would taint his image as a saintly officer and leader. Omitted from almost every contemporary textbook or lesson regarding Joshua Chamberlain is the 1880 Maine Gubernatorial crisis, termed the 'Count-Out Crisis'. Essentially, elected Democrat Governor Alonzo Garcelon sought reelection in 1879 against two opponents, Daniel F. Davis of the Republican Party and Joseph L. Smith of the Greenbacks Party. With the vote split between three candidates, 49.6% of the votes went to Davis with the remainder split between Garcelon and Smith. The Maine Constitution declared that without over 50% of the votes, no winner could be announced, and the legislature must elect the governor.61 Facing a Republican majority in the legislature, Garcelon manipulated the votes by casting aside Republican votes as invalid, causing the Supreme Court of Maine to declare his actions unconstitutional and award the governorship to Davis. Garcelon refused to yield his office and began appointing Democrat and Greenback Representatives and Senators while declaring himself the rightful governor. All sides began to mobilize paramilitary forces, forcing then Commander of the Maine Militia, Joshua Chamberlain, to intervene.62 Called upon by leaders of the elected legislature, Chamberlain swiftly took control of the government by using civilian police to oust Garcelon's staff and council before alterations could be made to the legitimate election results.63 Controlling the state as a military dictator, Chamberlain now faced the daunting task of relinquishing power to one of the three factions, retaining it for himself, or allowing the courts to decide. He was urged from all sides, with many pleading him to retain the democratic institutions in place.64 Chamberlain confides his great 61 Desjardin, Life in Letters, 239; Foley, Ballot Battles, 164. 62 Foley, Ballot Battles, 165-167. 63 Trulock, Hands of Providence, 356. 64 Desjardin, Life in Letters, 242. 16 responsibility in Fannie saying "'There is… No Governor, no legislature… I have been obliged to assume the defense… of the state… I am determined that Maine shall not become a Southern American State'".65 He is interpreted as referencing his Confederate counterparts and the lawlessness he associated with their secession and subsequent reintegration into the Union, as well as nations literally situated on the South American continent that were notable monarchies and dictatorships. Chamberlain's outlook on his role in this matter is that of a noble hero, something that surely inflated his ego as well as gave him a needed break from what he deemed to be a morbidly boring life as a civilian. Committed to solving the issue in a non-partisan and equitable manner, Chamberlain managed to enrage almost everyone in Augusta during his occupation. He was offered appointments as senator by each side, to which he adamantly refused stating it was the sole responsibility of the courts to decide the outcome.66 He was discouraged that his own party had amounted military forces and bribed him, and that they and the Democratic camp called him a traitor and usurper who abused his office as Commander of the Militia by intervening.67 Both sides plotted against him, threatened to kill or kidnap him, yet he stayed true to his goal of "'keep[ing] the peace'" and allowing laws to be executed rightfully.68 A local paper describes the scene as dire, where all of the power of the state was vested into Chamberlain until matters could be resolved.69 It was also cautionary, asking citizens to stay calm and avoid the capital, as infantry from Gardiner had been given authority to fire upon civilians or police should they act malicious.70 In the end, he gracefully guided Maine through twelve days of political and social 65 Joshua Chamberlain, as quoted in Goulka, Grand Old Maine of Maine, 138. 66 Trulock, Hands of Providence, 357. 67 Trulock, Hands of Providence, 357. 68 Joshua Chamberlain, as quoted in Trulock, Hands of Providence, 359. 69 "Chamberlain Holds the Helm," Daily Kennebec Journal. 70 "Chamberlain Holds the Helm," Daily Kennebec Journal. 17 unrest, ultimately allowing the court to empower the duly elected legislature to establish Davis as Governor. While Chamberlain fought to maintain his public image though marital and political disputes, today's scholars have begun to delve into his life and analyze his actions. Military writers, for example, annotate analysis his military exploits without necessarily focusing on other aspects of his life. By extension, these writers represent the popular memory of Chamberlain today. Military doctrine displays Chamberlain as the best and brightest military leader of the Civil War, yet writers like Hillyard, Cuddy, and Foley discuss his leadership style progression and whether he deserves the high pedestal he is placed in. Fred Hillyard points out in his paper that the Army uses Joshua Chamberlain as an example of leadership to be emulated, saying that the Army claims responsibility in developing leaders in his image through their education pipelines.71 Hillyard, in the 1980's, questions whether or not this selection is plausible, stating that the notion of military education is lost using Chamberlain as an example as he was schooled at a liberal arts college and volunteered for his commission without any prior military education.72 Hillyard also asserts that although the individual actions of Little Round Top are admirable, the tactics and leadership of the Civil War cannot be adequately translated to modern conflicts. He argues that "students may not relate to the muskets, bayonets, [and] bugle calls… when their thoughts are normally of sophisticated weapons systems… [and] the modern battlefield".73 Moreover, Hillyard continues to question the Army's position regarding Chamberlain, asking if his actions, although notable, were necessarily different from military actions of his time. 71 Hillyard, "Force Multiplier", 3. 72 Hillyard, "Force Multiplier", 3. 73 Hillyard, "Force Multiplier", 6. 18 Hillyard equates Chamberlain's war heroics to his personality, luck, and the fact that the pressure of the situation helped shape him into a military genius. Chamberlain's temperament and personal awareness were key to his success at Gettysburg, in that he was able to learn and adapt to the given situation.74 Hillyard also contributes Chamberlain's willingness to share in the suffering of his men as a motivator for them to follow his lead in battle.75 Unequivocally agreeing that his actions were great, he remains unconvinced that Chamberlain was a special instance of leadership. He determines that when people of character are placed in precarious situations, they usually will make consequential decisions.76 He concludes that Chamberlain is a great example of leadership, one that people can look to and learn from, but is not convinced he is the best example that the military should look toward. This exemplifies that, even in the 1980's, scholars viewpoints of him were changing as a holistic image of Chamberlain and his leadership attributes were being developed. In his paper, John Cuddy focuses on Chamberlain's leadership development over time, and how he became a symbol of leadership for the military and the public. Interestingly, Cuddy contradicts Hillyard by saying that his actions during battle were not a result of him being an exemplary human being, instead attributing his bravery to his personality, personal interactions with different role models, as well as his education and professorship at Bowdoin.77 These characteristics, Cuddy argues, projected him to success in leadership roles, and the evaluation of them and him can help others in the future. He also asserts that Chamberlain had an inert sense of entitlement for esteem and prestige citing his pleas to Senator Morrill regarding his permanent appointment to Major General following the war.78 Despite his ego, he was outwardly concerned 74 Hillyard, "Force Multiplier", 6. 75 Hillyard, "Force Multiplier", 8. 76 Hillyard, "Force Multiplier", 5. 77 Cuddy, "Blood and Fire", 4-5. 78 Cuddy, "Blood and Fire", 6. 19 for the welfare of his troops, yet also garnered the need for respect and order within his unit. He was sympathetic to his men but was also strict when called to do so. Cuddy attributes these and other personality traits to his success militarily and asks future students to analyze his self-need for adventure and validation as an example of poor leadership. Chamberlain's combination of humbleness regarding his troops and desire to prove himself made him daring yet conscious enough to lead gracefully in times of stress. Cuddy also determines that Chamberlain is an example of what good role models can do for leadership development, citing his boyhood idols as well as military leaders. Cuddy establishes that Chamberlain's upbringing was filled with military heroes, like his father and grandfather, of whom he always wanted to emulate.79 His childhood was filled with menial labor, hard lessons, and eventual academic prowess. Chamberlain was an advocate for hard work before the war and took these ideals with him into service. Never receiving formal military training, he yearned to prove himself in battle saying "'Soldiering in a time of peace is almost as much against my grain as being a peace man in time of war'" when asked prior to the war about militia service.80 His upbringing shaped his character, which Cuddy argues helped shape him into an effective military leader. Interestingly, we see Foley stray from the commonality of the other military writers, as he seems to agree with popular historians that Chamberlain was a "honorable" and "inspiring" man who answered his nation's call when needed.81 Foley neglects to mention his development as a leader, instead citing sources that clearly picture him as a leader born for greatness. He cites a plethora of Chamberlain's victories, both on and off the field of battle. These include early 79 Cuddy, "Blood and Fire", 15. 80 Chamberlain, as quoted in Cuddy, "Blood and Fire", 7. 81 Foley, "Citizen Warrior", 8. 20 military accomplishments, as well as earning the trust of his men.82 Foley concludes that Chamberlain was simply a military anomaly, crediting in part his successes to "'good genes'".83 He states that Chamberlain's intellectual prowess and desire for challenge fueled his military success, completely disregarding his development as a leader and person throughout his life.84 His lackluster analysis of Chamberlain's life and development is a discredit to leadership development of future military officers, as his paper clearly misinforms the reader by asserting that Chamberlain was a special instance of innate leadership capability. Chamberlain's preeminence is further celebrated today through monuments erected in his name and image. Intriguingly, these monuments were placed far after the Colonel's death in 1914. The first monument was raised on Veteran's Day, 1997, in Brewer near the Chamberlain home. 85 This monument is placed in a public park that is itself a replica of Little Round Top as well as an homage to the Underground Railroad. Named after Chamberlain, it serves to commemorate his battlefield heroics and those of the Hollyoke House that was an actual part of the railroad.86 It is interesting, noting Chamberlain's unfavorable opinions on voting rights for freedmen, that a memorial to him and his unit are placed at an extremely interesting and important historical site in terms of the Underground Railroad, of which Chamberlain was not involved. Yet, the contributions of the Holyoke Family are overshadowed by Joshua Chamberlain's legacy. It's date of completion, as well as location, are significant 82 Foley, "Citizen Warrior", 16. 83 Foley, "Citizen Warrior", 30. 84 Foley, "Citizen Warrior", 29. 85 Maine Civil War Monuments, "Brewer," https://www.maine.gov/civilwar/monuments/brewerchamberlainpark.html [accessed 3 November 2021]. 86 Maine Civil War Monuments, "Brewer," https://www.maine.gov/civilwar/monuments/brewerchamberlainpark.html [accessed 3 November 2021]. Chamberlain Park Statue, Brewer, Maine 21 Chamberlain Statue, Bowdoin College, Brunswick, Maine Maine National Guard Headquarters, Augusta, Maine Chamberlain Post Office, Chamberlain, Maine because it shows that his popularity continued to grow despite his actions having taken place more than 130 years before the monument was placed. The revival of Chamberlain and his exploits in the 1990's can also be explained by he and his unit's stardom in later media. Additionally, Chamberlain retains a second monument in Brunswick on the campus of Bowdoin College. Dedicated in 2003, it is not surprising that the college wanted to commemorate its most notable alumni.87 Yet, this is significant given that the school and its faculty denied his initial requests to serve and slandered him to retain him as a professor. Again, it is notable that almost one hundred years after his death, Bowdoin utilizes the popularity and prestige of Chamberlain's name and likeness to honor him on their campus. Both monuments indicate that Chamberlain's popular memory is alive and thriving in Maine and will be for the foreseeable future. They also indicate that his remembrance has grown in recent years, as these monuments were dedicated in the last twenty-five years. In addition to monuments, his memory lives through his posthumous appointment as the namesake of the Maine National Guard Headquarters in Augusta, dedicated in 2018, as well as an eponymous village in my hometown established sometime in the late 19th century. His legacy is an integral part of Maine's military and political lineage as identified through his idolization by local and state organizations. 87 Maine Civil War Monuments, "Brunswick," https://www.maine.gov/civilwar/monuments/brunswickchamberlain.html [accessed 3 November 2021]. 22 It would be absurd to diminish Joshua Chamberlain's importance to the Civil War and the Battle of Gettysburg. His decisive military actions and the courage of his unit earn him the distinction as a great officer in the history of our military. The memory displayed by both the northern and southern soldiery indicates just this and exemplifies his gentlemanly traits that are often noted by popular historians and the public. Yet, these examples do not demonstrate the holistic view of who Chamberlain was during his time on earth, both during and after his service in the war. While he was respected for his gallantry in battle by almost all, historians have regularly neglected or diminished his shortcomings in life. Understanding the totality of historically significant people's life is important because we cannot afford to remember people in a single-faceted sense. When looking back on the past, the public deserve to know the good and the bad about the people they are supposed to admire. A one-dimensional viewpoint on any figure has no benefit except to paint a false reality, one that hides reality in exchange for a rose-colored fallacy. Instead, we should be yearning to investigate the lives of our heroes to learn from both their mistakes and accomplishments. In essence, there is more to learn from the mistakes of others than from their successes. Joshua Chamberlain has rightfully been admired for his heroics in battle, yet his private life seemed secluded, isolated, and rarely discussed. Yet, as of late, writers have begun to acknowledge that the hero of Little Round Top was indeed human, with his own demons that menaced him throughout his life. Accusations of abuse, familial abandonment, and general neglect of those he loved has begun to threaten Chamberlain's legacy. Given these flaws and misdeeds being exhumed, will his reputation, for which he fought vehemently to maintain, be tainted or amended in the coming years? Will the lessons taught in Maine schools feature his military feats, as well as his personal shortcomings? This is a question for historians, both 23 professional and amateur, to answer. We hold the keys to truth through research and analysis, and despite the man's noted contributions to our nation, we also owe a debt to future generations to lay out the entirety of Chamberlain's story, and let our children decide the fate of Maine's famed Colonel. 24 Annotated Bibliography Cunningham, S.A. "About a Distinguished Southern Family," Confederate Veteran, 1900. This edition of the Confederate Veteran discusses an encounter between a former Confederate and Gen. Chamberlain years after the war, discussing what happened on the Gettysburg battlefield. The disagreement the two had regarding it, as well as the adjectives used to describe Chamberlain, are interesting and are noted in the paper. "Chamberlain holds the Helm," Daily Kennebec Journal, January 12, 1880. This news article discusses the Maine gubernatorial crisis in 1880 from their point of view. The article talks about Chamberlain being essentially inserted as a military governor, and the fear in the community regarding this. It is used to support research done in other sources. Chamberlain, Joshua. The Passing of the Armies: An Account of the Final Campaign of the Army of the Potomac, Based Upon Personal Reminiscences of the Fifth Army Corps. Lincoln and London, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 1998. Chamberlain's own autobiography is interesting because it was written out of necessity for money. It describes his own experiences of the war and why he believed certain instances occur. This is fascinating because others have differing accounts than he. I did not cite it in the paper, but it is listed in the bibliography. Cuddy, John F. "Training Through Blood and Fire: The Leadership Development of Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain." Air Command and Staff College (2015): 2-37. Major Cuddy's essay focuses on Chamberlain's progression as a military leader throughout the war. He states that by modern standards he was a great strategist and soldier yet did not learn at an academy or college. Cuddy advocates for the experiential learning that affected Chamberlain, which he says made him into a great officer. It is used as support for the changing of thought regarding Chamberlain as of late. Desjardin, Thomas A, ed. Joshua L. Chamberlain: A life in Letters: The Previously unpublished letters of a great leader of the Civil War. Harrisburg, PA: National Civil War Museum, 2012. This collection of letters from Chamberlain depicts his personal feeling throughout the war, his gubernatorial years, when he was President of Bowdoin, and throughout his life with his family and colleagues. These primary sources were used when discussing his marital issues, as well as personal feelings during his post-war life. 25 Desjardin, Thomas A. Stand Firm Ye Boys from Maine: The 20th Maine and the Gettysburg Campaign. New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1995. Desjardin's work focuses exclusively on the Battle of Gettysburg and the actions taken on Little Round Top by the 20th Maine. Most of this book regards the tactics of the battle, but throughout there are personal quotes from soldiers that will be useful, as well as the final two chapters that deal with the immediate memory of the 'Count-on Crisis' and how that affected the remainder of his life. I did not cite this in the paper, but did research it. Foley, Edward B. Ballot Battles; The History of Disputed Elections in the United States. Oxford UK: Oxford University Press, 2016. This book has a chapter devoted to the Maine gubernatorial crisis, which was very hard to find research on. I used this source to provide context on the event and why it occurred, while highlighting the importance of Chamberlain's resulting actions. Foley, Chris M. "Citizen Warrior; Major General Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain; A Study in Command." USMC Command and Staff College (2012): 8-32. Foley offers a Marine Corps investigation into Chamberlain, who he was as a person, and his leadership characteristics. Like the other officers' papers on Chamberlain, he agrees that the man was a military genius but tends to agree with Trulock and Pullen that Chamberlain's knowledge was an anomaly. Goulka, Jeremiah E, ed. The Grand Old Man of Maine: Selected Letters of Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain 1865-1914. Chapel Hill, NC: The University of North Carolina Press, 2004. Goulka's collection of letters fits well with the subject of memory because these letters go from during the war until his death. They discuss in depth his time as governor and the issues regarding his family. They are used to support the secondary source work regarding his life and the events that occurred during it. "Herbert Head of Peace Memorial" Confederate Veteran, 1913. The source is another Confederate viewpoint on the Colonel of the 20th Maine. This, like many, portrays him in a positive light. It is regarding a monument displaying peace between belligerents in Chattanooga, Tennessee. This primary source shows an example of how Confederates and Federal troops viewed him during his life. Hillyard, Fred. "Leadership as a Force Multiplier: The Joshua L. Chamberlain Example." US Army War College (1983): 1-29. This essay is written by an Army officer at the War College. LTC Hillyard discusses Colonel Chamberlain's leadership attributes and if he deserves the high stature he has and still is placed in within the Army. He focuses on how Chamberlain was not a trained soldier, but instead an avid learner who used his ability to absorb knowledge from other professional soldiers. Cuddy's piece on the same subject will support this, and Hillyard's 26 article will be used to further demonstrate Chamberlain's reverence amongst the modern military and changing ideals today. "Indignation in Maine" New York Tribune, December 20, 1879. The New York Tribune article discusses again the situation in 1880 in Maine, but from the outside viewpoint of New Yorkers. It is more of how outsiders view the situation instead of Mainers. "Letter from the State Capital" The Portland Daily Press, August 9, 1862. In my research, this is the first instance I could find discussing then Lt Col Chamberlain and his appointment to the newly designated 20th Maine. It states who the officers and NCOs will be within the unit. It describes Chamberlain in a good light, before he was even in combat, which is important to the research. Maine Civil War Monuments "Brewer." https://www.maine.gov/civilwar/monuments/brewerchamberlainpark.html [accessed 3 November 2021]. This is the State of Maine website that documents all the monuments within the state. It gives the relevant information regarding when the monument was placed and by whom. I also will include personal photographs of the site in the final Draft. Maine Civil War Monuments. "Brunswick." https://www.maine.gov/civilwar/monuments/brunswickchamberlain.html [accessed 3 November 2021]. This is like the prior source, simply a different monument. They serve the same purpose and this one will have a personal photograph as well. Nespitt, Mark, ed. Through Blood & Fire: Selected Civil War Papers of Major General Joshua Chamberlain. Mechanicsburg, PA: Stackpole Books, 1996. This source will add to primary source collection off Chamberlain through letters but only includes works from 1862-1865. They will be used to express his personal feelings during the war regarding his service, his family, and hopefully any issues within his organization. It is used as supporting documents regarding how he was viewed in his time versus how he is remembered. New York State Military Museum and Veterans Research Center. "140th New York Infantry Regiment's Monument at Gettysburg." https://museum.dmna.ny.gov/unit-history/infantry-2/140th-infantry-regiment/monument-gettysburg [accessed 1 November 2021.] The site depicts the 140th New York Infantry's monument at Gettysburg, which is a statement itself about the men who fought with the unit. It stands as a simple memorial to those who died, including the regimental commander. 27 New York State Military Museum and Veterans Research Center. "44th New York Infantry Regiment's Monument." https://museum.dmna.ny.gov/unit-history/infantry/44th-infantry-regiment/monument-gettysburg [accessed 1 November 2021.] This huge castle is dedicated to the fighting men of the 44th New York, who were also alongside the 20th Maine at Little Round Top. It is a superfluous monument, given the fact their role in the battle was overlooked by the heroics of Chamberlain and his men. It has a lengthy inscription, unlike the 44th's, which describes what they did during the battle and how many perished. Both these sources will be used to show that some friendly soldiers harbored at least a little bit of jealousy and resentment for Chamberlain's popularity and recognition when they received little to none. Longacre, Edward G. Joshua Chamberlain: The Soldier and The Man. Conshohocken, PA: Combined Publishing, 1999. This book was one of the more helpful sources. It goes into who Chamberlain was as both a soldier and normal person, which my paper discovers through memory. This source helped me express to the reader who Chamberlain really was and how that relates to his popular portrayal. Also, it is one of the only sources that really questions Chamberlain and asks tough questions of his character and actions. Loski, Diana H. The Chamberlains of Brewer. Gettysburg, PA: Thomas Publications, 1998. Loski's book primarily confers how the entire Chamberlain family came to be, and their relevance throughout history. It not only discusses Joshua and Fanny, but also his brother Tom, his sister, other extended family, and of course his parents. I use it to discuss his familial life, mainly regarding how he abandoned them routinely. Norton, Oliver W. The Attack and Defense of Little Round Top, Gettysburg, July 2, 1863. New York, NY: The Neale Publishing Company, 1913. Norton's piece, while older, gives a lot of valuable insight into the battle itself. While this is important to compare thinking from the past to present, there are other sources that do a better job. I do not cite it in the paper Perry, Mark. Conceived in Liberty: Joshua Chamberlain, William Oates, and the American Civil War. Harmondsworth, Middlesex, UK: Penguin Books Limited, 1997. This is one of the more credible sources regarding Chamberlain and his memory, as it also discusses his adversary on Little Round Top and their parallels. Through this source, we can see how other officers and officials of the time viewed Chamberlain both during and after the war, and more importantly how his foes viewed him. Also, the book discusses some of his actions after the war, how it affected his personal life, and how others perceived him. This is a good source to use to refer to both how people thought about him but also the reality of his actions. Also, it is a beneficial source to see how adversaries thought of him, specifically William Oates who commanded the regiment that opposed him at Little Round Top. 28 Pullen, John J. The Twentieth Maine: A Volunteer Regiment in the Civil War. Philadelphia, PA: J.B Lippincott & Company, 1957. The book provides instances of how he is/was remembered. Mainly this source quotes Oates, Chamberlain's counterpart, but also Chamberlain's soldiers regarding their leader. Because the point of this paper is to focus on memory, this source will be helpful because it has a lot of points regarding how the people he commanded felt about Chamberlain. Smith, Diane Munroe, ed. Fanny and Joshua: The Enigmatic Lives of Frances Caroline Adams and Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain. Gettysburg, PA: Thomas Publications, 1999. Like the Chamberlains of Brewer source, this book will give greater understanding of the relationship of Chamberlain and his wife. Comparing to other sources, I will see if in fact their relationship was strained and if so why. It is mainly letters between the two, accompanied by brief excerpts describing the times and circumstances of the letters. These sources will help determine if his stately appearance was a public rouse or if he was privately a different man. Trulock, Alice Rains. In the Hands of Providence: Joshua L. Chamberlain and the American Civil War. Chapel Hill, NC: The University of North Carolina Press, 1992. Trulock's work is one of the prolific biographies of Joshua Chamberlain but is claimed by writers like Cuddy and Longacre to be one sided and only include the more cheerful instances in his life. Most of the work puts Chamberlain in a good light by designating him as a marvelous leader who was fair and beloved by his troops. Strangely, she does mention some of his more unsavory actions after the war, as well as explaining his resistance in allowing freedmen to vote. I use this source a multitude of times because the author covers almost every instance of Chamberlain's life. United States Department of Defense. "Medal of Honor Monday." https://www.defense.gov/News/Feature-Stories/story/Article/2086560/medal-of-honor-monday-army-maj-gen-joshua-chamberlain/ [accessed 3 November 2021]. This DoD article discusses Chamberlain as an astute, gentlemanly officer who was a gallant recipient of the Medal of Honor. While this is true, it again is an example of popular memory regarding Chamberlain. He is viewed only through his singular actions, not by a collection of them. Weart, David. The Military Leader. "Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain- Leadership in Action," https://themilitaryleader.com/leadership-action-chamberlain/ [accessed 3 November 2021]. Weart's online article does the same as the DoD's. It describes Chamberlain in a single faceted manner and neglects all the instances that made him human like everyone else.