Suchergebnisse

Resumen: Aunque ni los principales instrumentos de Derechos Humanos (con la Declaración de 1948 a la cabeza) ni del Derecho de los Refugiados mencionan a las personas LGBTI, a lo largo de las últimas décadas han sido interpretadas para extender su protección a los refugiados por razones de orientación sexual o identidad de género. Sin embargo, con frecuencia se han encontrado con un importante obstáculo que les dificulta acceder a la protección internacional: la pervivencia de estereotipos y prejuicios sobre el género, el comportamiento o la sexualidad que minan la credibilidad de su testimonio. En este trabajo se evalúan los más habituales y cómo han sido tratados en la jurisprudencia del Tribunal de Justicia de la UE. Abstract: Even though neither the main Human Rights treaties -including the 1948 Declaration- nor those of the International Law of Refugees mention LGBTI individuals, during the last decades their protection has been expanded through its interpretation to protect thos who scape from persecution based on their sexual orientation or gender identity. However, they have often encountered a serious obstacle: the persistence of stereotypes and preconceptions on gender, sexuality or behavior that undermine their credibility. In this paper we will assess the most pervasive assumptions and how the Court of Justice of the European Union has coped with them.

This article discusses the inclusion of the rights of the LGBTI community in Colombian democracy and the role of the judges in such inclusion. The question we ask is whether the judges in their rulings create or apply rules that recognize rights that the lawmakers have not developed through the enactment of laws, even though such rights may be found in the Constitution. To analyze the problem, we review the rules created and applied by judges in decisions involving litigation over the rights of citizens who belong to the LGBTI (lesbian, gay, bi-sexual, trans-gender and inter-sex) community, specifically when they voluntarily decide to establish a family. ; Este artículo aborda la inclusión de los derechos de la comunidad LGBTI en la democracia colombiana y el papel de los jueces en dicha inclusión. El interrogante planteado es si los jueces en sus sentencias crean o aplican reglas que reconocen derechos que el legislador no ha desarrollado por vía de leyes, aun cuando pueden encontrarse en la Carta Política. Para analizar el problema, se da cuenta de las reglas creadas y aplicadas por algunos jueces en las sentencias sobre litigios de los derechos que tienen o no los ciudadanos que pertenecen a la población LGBTI (lesbianas, gays, bisexuales, transgénero e intersexuales), específicamente los que surgen cuando deciden conformar una familia voluntariamente.

Rankings have become very popular in recent years – also in academia. On the other side, these rankings are normally very superficial and simplistic instruments. To understand their meaning requires at least specific explanations on the methodology and the potential shortcomings. To rank countries according to their performance with regard to the protection of certain minorities suffers from the same weaknesses. Nevertheless, one can say that the so-called Rainbow Index prepared by the International Lesbian and Gay Association's European Branch (ILGA-Europe) – an NGO active in the defense of lesbians, gays, bisexuals, trans and intersex (LGBTI) persons – is a powerful instrument that gives the public and legislators some hints on where a country stands and whether human rights of LGBTI persons are taken seriously. It can certainly constitute an interesting starting-point to inquire which should be the priorities for a society when it comes to improving the human rights situation of these minorities. A comparison – even if based on a simplified index and – from an international (European) perspective may help domestic writers to make their opinion heard. The ranking referred to as Rainbow Europe ranks the Member States of the Council of Europe based on laws and policies that have a direct impact on the LGBTI people's human rights. It uses six categories: 1. equality and non-discrimination; 2. family; 3. bias motivated speech/violence; 4. legal gender recognition; 5. freedom of assembly, association and expression; and 6. asylum. Under each category a number of indicators have been included, often separated for the different sub-groups (lesbian and gay persons, trans persons and intersex persons ), i.e. referring to the particular criterion for the definition of the respective groups (sexual orientation, gender identity, and intersex). For each criterion a State gets either a positive entry (and thus all the associated points) or nothing - a necessary simplification to make the index operational but obviously a ...

Este artículo aborda la inclusión de los derechos de la comunidad LGBTI en la democracia colombiana y el papel de los jueces en dicha inclusión. El interrogante planteado es si los jueces en sus sentencias crean o aplican reglas que reconocen derechos que el legislador no ha desarrollado por vía de leyes, aun cuando pueden encontrarse en la Carta Política. Para analizar el problema, se da cuenta de las reglas 1 La presente investigación fue financiada por el Fondo de Investigación de la Universidad del Rosario, FIUR. 2 Doctora en derecho, profesora de carrera académica de la Facultad de Jurisprudencia de la Universidad del Rosario, Colombia, y Editora de Estudios Socio-Jurídicos. 3 Abogada, socióloga y estudiante de Maestría en Derecho de la Universidad del Rosario. 316 ROCÍO DEL PILAR PEÑA HUERTAS Y MARÍA MÓNICA PARADA HERNÁNDEZ Anuario Iberoamericano de Justicia Constitucional, 20, pp. 315-333 creadas y aplicadas por algunos jueces en las sentencias sobre litigios de los derechos que tienen o no los ciudadanos que pertenecen a la población LGBTI (lesbianas, gays, bisexuales, transgénero e intersexuales), específicamente los que surgen cuando deciden conformar una familia voluntariamente. ; This article discusses the inclusion of the rights of the LGBTI community in Colombian democracy and the role of the judges in such inclusion. The question we ask is whether the judges in their rulings create or apply rules that recognize rights that the lawmakers have not developed through the enactment of laws, even though such rights may be found in the Constitution. To analyze the problem, we review the rules created and applied by judges in decisions involving litigation over the rights of citizens who belong to the LGBTI (lesbian, gay, bi-sexual, trans-gender and inter-sex)community, specifically when they voluntarily decide to establish a family.

O presente trabalho tem como objetivo geral apresentar a importância da Organização Não Governamental canadense, Rainbow Railroad, no acolhimento e auxílio de imigrantes LGBTI+ provenientes da Jamaica, com foco na realocação desses indivíduos em novos países. Para tanto, a metodologia utilizada é a qualitativa exploratória, fazendo-se uso de fontes bibliográficas, como textos que abordem a temática sobre refugiados LGBTI+, assim como dados e documentos disponíveis no próprio site da Rainbow Railroad, do Alto Comissariado das Nações Unidas para Refugiados (ACNUR) e de outras organizações de direitos humanos. Ademais, a hipótese que move o trabalho é que, pelo fato de não haver um tratado internacional que incorpore a concepção e aplicabilidade sobre a garantia de refúgio com base na orientação sexual e identidade de gênero, por parte dos Estados, nota-se que uma parte significativa desse processo é feito e/ou facilitado por atores não estatais.

In this audiovisual presentation I reflect on the mix of creative methods that are currently viable for establishing and (re)creating a complex cast of characters via graphics, public pranks, and other modes of storytelling. The presentation will discuss the changes over the last fifteen years I have observed in social justice protests and social media activism that engage mainstream media attention. I then analyse two successful graphic-based campaigns that I ran in 2014. The 1st four-day campaign concerned Opera Australia's hiring of Tamar Iveri, a soprano singer who had advocated violence against LGBTI activists in her hometown of Tbilisi, Georgia. Mostly remaining within social media, this campaign utilised the initial viral spread of an infographic to target Facebook mechanisms that measure public satisfaction with commercial organisations and sponsors. The second month-long campaign concerned the proposed attendance of Australian government ministers at the anti-gay, anti-abortion "World Congress of Families" conference in Melbourne. Eventually crossing into mainstream media, this campaign succeeded via the utilisation of a variety of online and of offline participatory tactics.

In 2013 I 'reactivated' Pauline Pantsdown, a satirical character I had inhabited in the late 1990s, as a virtual political activist on social media. Over the past four years I've orchestrated my followers in a series of action campaigns around issues of race, gender and sexuality, utilising episodic narrative; visual/text memes and consumer boycotts via the use of available online tools and offline collaborations/protest. In September 2016, I orchestrated a shutdown of a proposed 'Australian Christian Lobby' (ACL) meeting at the Mercure Hotel, targeting their attacks on specific transgender children. It eventuated afterwards that this was to have been the inaugural meeting of the "same-sex marriage" plebiscite "No" campaign, to be attended by the ACL; the heads of the Sydney Catholic and Anglican Dioceses, and other groups. Several weeks of attacks by "The Australian" newspaper and its News Limited subsidiaries followed, including a front page 'Australian' article; seven opinion columns; several Sky News TV editorials; a Bill Leak cartoon of LGBTI activists as Nazis; false accusations of violent threats and death threats; and a campaign to have me fired from my job as a UNSW lecturer. I want to examine my and News Limited's radically different narrative constructions of these events (and other stories involving LGBTI activists); the place of the Pantsdown icon with these narratives; the mechanisms of memes and web design in creating unusual bridges between social and "mainstream" media – for example, the embedding of social media in news articles, and my use of the Facebook "Notes" format to publicly file a report about the Australian Christian Lobby to the Federal Police. Background references : Protest at 'Australian Christian Lobby' conference 23.4.16https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BfBr9rS1us0 Same-Sex Marriage Event off : Threats to hotel staff (The Australian, 17.9.16) http://www.theaustralian.com.au/news/nation/samesex-marriage-event-off-threats-to-hotel-staff/news-story/d45bd0f9e9a774fc3e3d0741f176da13 ACT Policing : Background to Lyle Shelton's previous claims of 'death threats' & 'violent threats'. (Facebook notes , 6.1.17) https://www.facebook.com/notes/pauline-pantsdown/act-policing-background-to-lyle-sheltons-previous-claims-of-death-threats-violen/873872706087720/ Hyatt Hotel defends booking for Australian Christian Lobby's anti-gay marriage conference (Canberra Times 21.10.14)http://www.canberratimes.com.au/act-news/hyatt-hotel-defends-booking-for-australian-christian-lobbys-antigay-marriage-conference-20141021-1196rn.html