Suchergebnisse

WRITING A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF WEST EUROPEAN, LET ALONE WESTERN, PARTY SYSTEMS STILL REMAINS AN AMBITIOUS ATTEMPT: THERE ARE FEW PRECURSORS, AND VIRTUALLY NO AUTHORITATIVE WORK. DUVERGER'S COMPARATIVE WORK ON POLITCAL PARTIES OF 1951 WAS A PIONEERING STUDY WHICH, THOUGH MUCH CRITICIZED, STILL ENJOYED A LONG LIFE NOT LEAST BECAUSE A SUCCESSOR WAS LACKING. THE COMPARTIVE STUDY OF POLITICAL PARTIES MADE PROGRESS MAINLY BY WAY OF READERS (CONSISTING MOSTLY OF CASE-STUDIES OF IMPORTANT COUNTRIES AND A MORE OR LESS COMPREHENSIVE INTRODUCTION) AND MAJOR ARTICLES. BUT AT THE SAME TIME THE GROUNDWORK FOR COMPARATIVE PARTY ANALYSIS WAS IMPROVED THROUGH TEH INCREASE IN RESEARCH WEHICH CENTRED ON NATIONAL PARTIES AND SYSTEMS. WHEREAS EPSTEIN'S STUDY IS LAID OUT IN A RATER DESCRIPTIVE MANNER AND SARTORI'S WORK ATTEMPTS CONCEPTIONAL CLAFIRICATIONS, BY THE BEGINNING OF THE 1980S THE GROUND HAD BEEN PREPARED FOR A NEW ATTEMPT AT SYSTHESIZING THEORETICAL AND EMPIRICAL KNOWLEDGE. SUCH A SYNTHESIS SHOULD-GIVEN THE PRESENT STATE OF LITERATURE BE JUDGED BY THE AMOUNTT OF INTEGRATING THEORY AND EMPIRICAL FINDINGS IT CONTAINS AND TE CONSTRUCTIVE PROPOSITION IT OFFERS. A SIMPLE ADDITION OF EMPIRICAL RESULTS WOULD NOT SUFFICE.

Based on recent survey data from 20 countries, this article examines the 'contagion' thesis -- lack of support among the electorate at one level of the political system may spread to other levels. The levels examined are political parties & the party system. The results demonstrate that the degree to which people are attached to a party is related to how they view the need for parties in their country. In countries with widely different democratic systems, people who identify strongly with a party tend to be much more supportive of the idea that parties are necessary to the functioning of the political system than people without strong party attachments. Hence, party identification, a concept originating with the 'Michigan Four,' is not only a very useful tool in analyzing voting behavior. It can also be applied to studying support for party-based democratic political systems. 3 Tables, 20 References. Adapted from the source document.

A specter is haunting contemporary party politics: the specter of anti-political-establishment parties. In old as well as in new democracies, fears run high and the literature is booming. Specters are evasive, however. Political scientists have tried to get hold of this one under labels like protest, populist or extremist parties. Yet the `anti-political' ideology which is central for many of these outsider parties has not received the systematic attention it deserves. The present piece of discourse analysis pretends to fill this gap. It argues that anti-political-establishment parties construct two specific cleavages. They contrapose the political elite against citizens, on the one hand, and against themselves, on the other. In its main part, the article analyzes the symbolic strategies anti-political-establishment parties employ in constructing this double conflict. It proceeds to describe their dilemmatic position in between normal and anti-democratic opposition, sketches the possible career paths of anti-political-establishment parties, and concludes with some notes on available counter-strategies.

Normative political theory and empirical social science have a reciprocal relationship. This thesis is illustrated by taking up two topics: one is social exclusion; the other is ethnicity and discrimination.

Mode of access: Internet. ; Issued by: Academy of Political Science.

No meetings held 1914-1929. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Papers for 1935- published in: The Canadian journal of economics and political science. ; Description based on: Vol. 2 (1930).

The departments of political science in America's colleges and universities are now numbered in the hundreds, their students in the tens of thousands. The variety of these departments is bewildering, differing as they do in size, curriculum, teaching methods, political complexion, aspirations, and even in name. It is no easy matter to discover what the fifty-man faculty in political science at Columbia and the one-man department of government at a California junior college have in common; yet one thing in common they certainly do have: the introductory course, and the complex problem which it presents.That the introductory course does present a major problem to departments of political science everywhere was clearly acknowledged by the program committee of the 1947 meeting of the American Political Science Association, when it scheduled a panel entitled "The Beginning Course in Political Science." The problem was further acknowledged by the panel itself; hardly a person of the many who took part in its proceedings, whether seated at the round-table or holding forth extemporaneously from the audience, failed to show some degree of candid dissatisfaction with the introductory course as presently conducted at his institution. Rare indeed is the department of political science which is willing to let its introductory course ride along through 1948 in the exact shape it assumed through 1947. The urge for improvement is nation-wide, and several prominent departments have gone so far as to relieve instructors of part of their normal teaching burden and commission them to work out definite programs of radical revision.