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At a time of geopolitical tension and mutual distrust, the United States and Russia must work together in those areas where coordination is critical to global security, both to help stabilize the relationship and to buffer against conflict in the future.

For those who own it, wealth can have extraordinary advantages. High levels of wealth can enhance educational attainment, create occupational opportunities, generate social influence and provide a buffer against financial emergencies. Even a small amount of savings can improve security, mitigate the effects of job loss and other financial setbacks and improve well-being dramatically. Although the benefits of wealth are significant, they are not enjoyed uniformly throughout the United States. In the United States, because religion is an important part of cultural orientation, religious beliefs should affect material well-being. This book explores the way religious orientations and beliefs affect Americans' incomes, savings and net worth

With Stories in Stone New York, the author presents cemetery buffs with stunning photographs, fascinating text, and easy GPS directions for locating gracious architecture, fabulous artwork, and memorable gravesites of famous and not-so-famous area "residents" residing peacefully in its beautiful cemeteries. Includes The Big Four, Manhattan Churchyards & Resting Places, Eternal Excursions in well-known boroughs, as well as Humane Remains at the pet cemetery in Hartsdale.

These prison tales include chain-bus drivers, wild bull riders, and a prison baseball team that took on the Texas semi-pro champions in Houston's old Buff Stadium. They include inmates and prisoners of war supplying materials to the Confederate army and convict laborers building a state railroad and quarrying granite for the beautiful state capitol in Austin

Ferraro expands the current focus of the immigration-crime link to incorporate both the effect of immigration on anti-immigrant violence and the differential processes at work in new immigrant destinations. The findings on traditional crime are consistent with recent research and the community resource perspective, in that there is no observed effect of immigration on overall rates of crime, whether in traditional receiving areas or in new destinations. Analysis of anti-immigrant hate crimes suggests that while traditional receiving areas, especially those made up of older arrivals, may buffer

To provide optimum protection against classical and El Tor biotypes of Vibrio cholerae O1, a single-dose, oral cholera vaccine was developed by combining two live, attenuated vaccine strains, CVD 103-HgR (classical, Inaba) and CVD 111 (El Tor, Ogawa). The vaccines were formulated in a double-chamber sachet; one chamber contained lyophilized bacteria, and the other contained buffer. A total of 170 partially-immune American soldiers stationed in Panama received one of the following five formulations: (a) CVD 103-HgR at 108 CFU plus CVD 111 at 107 CFU, (b) CVD 103-HgR at 108 CFU plus CVD 111 at 106 CFU, (c) CVD 103-HgR alone at 108 CFU, (d) CVD 111 alone at 107 CFU, or (e) inactivated Escherichia coli placebo. Among those who received CVD 111 at the high or low dose either alone or in combination with CVD 103-HgR, 8 of 103 had diarrhea, defined as three or more liquid stools. None of the 32 volunteers who received CVD 103-HgR alone or the 35 placebo recipients had diarrhea. CVD 111 was detected in the stools of 46% of the 103 volunteers who received it. About 65% of all persons who received CVD 103-HgR either alone or in combination had a fourfold rise in Inaba vibriocidal titers. The postvaccination geometric mean titers were comparable among groups, ranging from 450 to 550. Ogawa vibriocidal titers were about twice as high in persons who received CVD 111 as in those who received CVD 103-HgR alone (600 versus 300). The addition of CVD 111 improved the overall seroconversion rate and doubled the serum Ogawa vibriocidal titers, suggesting that the combination of an El Tor and a classical cholera strain is desirable. While CVD 111 was previously found to be well tolerated in semiimmune Peruvians, the adverse effects observed in this study indicate that this strain requires further attenuation before it can be safely used in nonimmune populations.

AbstractIn metropolitan areas with significant numbers of Latinx and Black people, Santiago (1991) hypothesized that Latinx groups may "buffer" white neighborhoods from Black ones. Farley and Frey (1994, https://doi.org/10.2307/2096131) subsequently suggested that Latinx and Asian groups provide a social or spatial "buffer" that enables White and Black neighborhood coresidence. In predominantly White spaces, increases in the neighborhood shares of Latinx and Asian populations moderates White resistance to the presence of Blacks, and this helps explain growing neighborhood racial diversity in the United States. This essay suggests expanding the thesis in several ways. We first consider reversing the theory wherein Latinx and Asian groups provide a "buffer" enabling White and Black coresidence because Blacks are cushioned from the actions of Whites. This view requires us to include not only White tolerance but also White intolerance in the buffering logic. Second, we point out that racially mixed neighborhoods may also come about because people want to live in such diverse environments. Third, this leads to a consideration of processes of neighborhood racial mixing that include the roles of real estate markets actors in shaping neighborhood outcomes as well as the motivations of Latinx, Asian, and mixed‐race populations.

This paper deals with the concept of liquidity in Keynes' theoretical and political writings. First of all, liquidity, according to Keynes, is a concept much more comprehensive than commonly held nowadays: for Keynes, liquidity means more than an easy convertibility, a high marketability (land might have been highly liquid in ancient times). In short, an asset is highly liquid when its value is weakly dependent on a change in our long-term state of expectations. In a second step, this reassessment of liquidity is applied to Keynes' political writings, in particular to monetary policy and also to the 'buffer-stock' scheme. On the one hand, our investigation shows that in a context of 'uncertainty,' monetary policy basically aims to encourage the private sector to have confidence in long-term expectations. Private wealth owners should accordingly ask for lower and lower 'liquidity premium.' On the other hand, Keynes' 'buffer stocks' of commodities are not intended for a direct control of prices. Rather, their proper purpose is to confer more liquidity to commodities; i.e., to transform them to 'monetary assets.' All in all, monetary policy and buffer-stocks schemes prove to be two basic rationales of Keynes' concept of liquidity still worth being investigated—today as before.

BACKGROUND: While organized and opportunistic cervical cancer screening (CCS) programs implemented across the European Union have increased participation rates, barriers to socioeconomically deprived women remain substantial, implying high levels of inequality in CCS uptake. AIM: This study assesses how the screening strategy (as a score based on the availability of organized population-based CCS programs), accessibility of the healthcare system (as an index of out-of-pocket expenditure as a proportion of total healthcare costs, public health expenditure as a percentage of total GDP, and general practitioner (GP) density per 10′000 inhabitants) and social protection (as a decommodification index), impact education- and income-based inequalities in CCS uptake. METHODS: A two-level design with 25–64-year-old women (N = 96′883), eligible for Pap smear screening, nested in 28 European countries, was used to analyze data from the European Health Interview Survey's second wave, using multilevel logistic regression modelling. RESULTS: Clear educational and income gradients in CCS uptake were found, which were smaller in countries with organized CCS programs, higher accessibility of the healthcare system and a higher level of decommodification. Furthermore, three-way interaction terms revealed that these gradients were smaller when organized CCS programs were implemented in countries with better accessibility of the healthcare system or a high level of decommodification. CONCLUSION: This study indicates that the combination of organized screening and high accessibility of the healthcare system or social protection is essential for having lower levels of inequality in CCS uptake. In such countries, the structural threshold for poorer and lower educated women to engage in CCS is lower. This may be explained by them having a better interaction with their GP, who may convince them of the screening test, lower out-of-pocket payments, and financial support to buffer against a disadvantageous position on the labor market. ...

Abstract At a time when the United States is sharply divided on women's reproductive rights, the focus has shifted from legality to that of access to reproductive healthcare services. The binary (pro-choice/anti-choice) overlooks women who seek reproductive healthcare services for reasons other than abortion. Self-proclaimed sidewalk counselors approach these women to convince them that there are alternatives to abortion. In this way, the women who choose to ignore oftentimes risk being scolded, yelled at, harassed, and humiliated publicly. Many states have enacted buffer zone legislation to protect women trying to access reproductive healthcare clinics, but an overwhelming amount of these laws have been struck down by the U.S. Supreme Court, based on the First Amendment rules. This article argues that sidewalk counselors and activists' protesting against abortion outside of these clinics is futile, defending that buffer zones around reproductive healthcare facilities help protect women's privacy and their right to access so they may obtain the reproductive healthcare they are entitled to receive.

East Asia is the area of interests' clash between states like Russia, China, Japan and the USA. Judging by power levels China and the USA are the strongest poles of the international relations system, although weaker Russia and Japan are not willing to concede. Therefore, Russia faces the challenge of forming and implementing foreign policy, effectiveness of which will decide Russia's position regionally and globally. In this context, the problem of Russia's foreign policy towards the great East Asian states arises. The global importance of China, Japan, the USA and Russia itself makes bilateral actions at regional level globally important. Seeking to take part in the creation of a new multipolar system, Russia is forced to act in current regional power balance conditions. Therefore, Russia can enforce its positions as a new power pole or become weak and dependent player in comparison to great East Asian states. The aim of this study is to assess the influence that the Russian foreign policy towards the great East Asian states has in the context of increasing Russia's power. The relations between Russia, China, Japan and the USA in relation to East Asia region are explained by applying descriptive–analytic, comparison and document analysis methods. The study presents the description of international relations in the light of neoclassical realism, analyses the main geopolitical and social-economic factors that decide the importance of Russian foreign policy towards the great East Asian states and describes the effect that Russia's actions have on its power positions. It is determined in the conclusion of this research that state's foreign policy is perceived as a result of interaction between systemic and national factors. Having in mind Russia's geopolitical conditions this concept translates into a confrontation between an understanding of a bridge and a buffer zone. Russia is an important international actor as a bridge between Europe and Asia at the same time separating Europe from East Asia's great states', global influence of which is constantly growing. Therefore, Russia's foreign policy towards the great East Asian states is to exploit the USA's power loss in favour to China for personal gains of enforcing its own status as a power pole. The effect of actions taken to achieve this goal is ambivalent. Russia's actions towards China, Japan and the USA are logical and well backed up in the context of power balance being a result between the aforementioned states, although judging from the long term perspective the argumentation of these actions are questioned in the light of general Russian power increase.

East Asia is the area of interests' clash between states like Russia, China, Japan and the USA. Judging by power levels China and the USA are the strongest poles of the international relations system, although weaker Russia and Japan are not willing to concede. Therefore, Russia faces the challenge of forming and implementing foreign policy, effectiveness of which will decide Russia's position regionally and globally. In this context, the problem of Russia's foreign policy towards the great East Asian states arises. The global importance of China, Japan, the USA and Russia itself makes bilateral actions at regional level globally important. Seeking to take part in the creation of a new multipolar system, Russia is forced to act in current regional power balance conditions. Therefore, Russia can enforce its positions as a new power pole or become weak and dependent player in comparison to great East Asian states. The aim of this study is to assess the influence that the Russian foreign policy towards the great East Asian states has in the context of increasing Russia's power. The relations between Russia, China, Japan and the USA in relation to East Asia region are explained by applying descriptive–analytic, comparison and document analysis methods. The study presents the description of international relations in the light of neoclassical realism, analyses the main geopolitical and social-economic factors that decide the importance of Russian foreign policy towards the great East Asian states and describes the effect that Russia's actions have on its power positions. It is determined in the conclusion of this research that state's foreign policy is perceived as a result of interaction between systemic and national factors. Having in mind Russia's geopolitical conditions this concept translates into a confrontation between an understanding of a bridge and a buffer zone. Russia is an important international actor as a bridge between Europe and Asia at the same time separating Europe from East Asia's great states', global influence of which is constantly growing. Therefore, Russia's foreign policy towards the great East Asian states is to exploit the USA's power loss in favour to China for personal gains of enforcing its own status as a power pole. The effect of actions taken to achieve this goal is ambivalent. Russia's actions towards China, Japan and the USA are logical and well backed up in the context of power balance being a result between the aforementioned states, although judging from the long term perspective the argumentation of these actions are questioned in the light of general Russian power increase.

East Asia is the area of interests' clash between states like Russia, China, Japan and the USA. Judging by power levels China and the USA are the strongest poles of the international relations system, although weaker Russia and Japan are not willing to concede. Therefore, Russia faces the challenge of forming and implementing foreign policy, effectiveness of which will decide Russia's position regionally and globally. In this context, the problem of Russia's foreign policy towards the great East Asian states arises. The global importance of China, Japan, the USA and Russia itself makes bilateral actions at regional level globally important. Seeking to take part in the creation of a new multipolar system, Russia is forced to act in current regional power balance conditions. Therefore, Russia can enforce its positions as a new power pole or become weak and dependent player in comparison to great East Asian states. The aim of this study is to assess the influence that the Russian foreign policy towards the great East Asian states has in the context of increasing Russia's power. The relations between Russia, China, Japan and the USA in relation to East Asia region are explained by applying descriptive–analytic, comparison and document analysis methods. The study presents the description of international relations in the light of neoclassical realism, analyses the main geopolitical and social-economic factors that decide the importance of Russian foreign policy towards the great East Asian states and describes the effect that Russia's actions have on its power positions. It is determined in the conclusion of this research that state's foreign policy is perceived as a result of interaction between systemic and national factors. Having in mind Russia's geopolitical conditions this concept translates into a confrontation between an understanding of a bridge and a buffer zone. Russia is an important international actor as a bridge between Europe and Asia at the same time separating Europe from East Asia's great states', global influence of which is constantly growing. Therefore, Russia's foreign policy towards the great East Asian states is to exploit the USA's power loss in favour to China for personal gains of enforcing its own status as a power pole. The effect of actions taken to achieve this goal is ambivalent. Russia's actions towards China, Japan and the USA are logical and well backed up in the context of power balance being a result between the aforementioned states, although judging from the long term perspective the argumentation of these actions are questioned in the light of general Russian power increase.