Suchergebnisse

MALTI: L-istorja ta' Sqallija mis-seklu disgħa sas-seklu tnax intisġet madwar sensiela ta' ġrajjiet li bidlulha darba għal dejjem il-karattru tagħha. Sakemm ħakmu l-gżira minn idejn il-Biżantini, l-Għarab damu mis-sena 827 sas-sena 902. Il-kontroll ta' l-ikbar gżira Mediterranja tahom is-setgħa li jikkolonizzawha, u dan wassal sabiex l-ilsien, it-twemmin u l-kultura tad-dinja Għarbija rabbew l-għeruq bis-saħħa tal-klassi ġdida mexxejja u ta' parti mdaqqsa mill-popolazzjoni li waslet hekk kif il-gżira saret parti minn Dar l-Islam. Madankollu, fi Sqallija tas-seklu ħdax kien għadhom jgħixu eluf ta' nsara Griegi, kif ukoll għadd imdaqqas ta' Lhud. Il-ħakma Normanna ta' Sqallija ġabet magħha bidla kbira fil-ġerarkija politika u soċjali tal-pajjiż. Minn tmiem is-seklu ħdax il-gżira ssieħbet ma' l-Ewropa Latina, u dan nissel tibdil mill-qiegħ fl-istrutturi tal-ħajja u fl-identitajiet individwali u kollettivi ta' sa differenti. Fis-seklu tnax Sqallija kellha sehem ewlieni fit-tfassil tas-Saltna Normanna, u l-belt ewlenija tagħha, Palermo, nbidlet minn metropoli Gharbija f'belt kapitali rjali. Dan l-istudju qasir jifli l-iżviluppi li seħħew taħt in-Normanni, u jingħaqad ma' storiċi ta' żmienna li leħħnu dubji dwar il-kwadru pożittiv ta' tolleranza reliġjuża u etnika fl-istorjograja tradizzjonali ta' Sqallija minn Ruġġieru II sa Federiku II. Minflok, qegħdin joħorġu iżjed ċari t-tensjonijiet u l-firdiet bejn komunitajiet differenti Sqallin skond twemmin reliġjuż u nisel etniku. Sa nofs is-seklu tlettax, il-popolazzjoni Musulmana ta' Sqallija kienet għebet għal kollox, bl-aħħar ftit eluf itturufnati fil-belt ta' Lucera; fil-waqt li l-kultura nisranija Griega ġiet imwarrba, u l-Għarbi baqa' mitkellem biss mill-minoranza Lhudija, flimkien man-nies ta' Malta, Għawdex u Pantellerija. L-iSqalli ta' tmiem is-seklu tlettax ftit li xejn kellu x'jaqsam ma' l-imgħoddi Għarbi tal-gżira, bħallikieku l-istorja ta' Sqallija bdiet fl-1091.

Essays on the Modern Japanese Church (Gendai Nihon kyokai shiron), published in 1906, was the first Japanese-language history of Christianity in Meiji Japan. Yamaji Aizan's firsthand account describes the reintroduction of Christianity to Japan—its development, rapid expansion, and decline—and its place in the social, political, and intellectual life of the Meiji period. Yamaji's overall argument is that Christianity played a crucial role in shaping the growth and development of modern Japan. Yamaji was a strong opponent of the government-sponsored "emperor-system ideology," and through his historical writing he tried to show how Japan had a tradition of tolerance and openness at a time when government-sponsored intellectuals were arguing for greater conformity and submissiveness to the state on the basis of Japanese "national character." Essays is important not only in terms of religious history but also because it highlights broad trends in the history of Meiji Japan. Introductory chapters explore the significance of the work in terms of the life and thought of its author and its influence on subsequent interpretations of Meiji Christianity.

This volume aims to force a reassessment of many common assumptions about the relationship between Christianity and modern China. The overall thrust of the twenty essays is that despite the conflicts and tension that often have characterized relations between Christianity and China, in fact Christianity has been, for the past two centuries or more, putting down roots within Chinese society, and it is still in the process of doing so. Thus Christianity is here interpreted not just as a Western religion that imposed itself on China, but one that was becoming a Chinese religion, as Buddhism did centuries ago. Eschewing the usual focus on foreign missionaries, as is customary, this research effort is China-centered, drawing on Chinese sources, including government and organizational documents, private papers, and interviews. The essays are organized into four major sections: Christianity s role in Qing society, including local conflicts (6 essays); ethnicity (3 essays); women (5 essays); and indigenization of the Christian effort (6 essays). The editor has provided sectional introductions to highlight the major themes in each section, as well as a general Introduction.

rom the 1990s on, the New Age ceased to be visible only among the exclusivist groups of salvific character, typical of the 1970s. Its values began to be disseminated among the broader culture through what was called the New Age ethos. This article seeks to show how these values are seen even among Brazilian Pentecostal Denominations. To this end, we adopt life coaching as an object. We briefly return to the history of life coaching and its relation to the New Age. We then explain how the spread of the New Age ethos into the broader society led to the incorporation of some of the New Age values and practices into even institutionalized forms of religion. Finally, we discuss how life coaching became incorporated into the plethora of religious goods also offered by Brazilian Charismatic Christians, and how Evangelical coaching maintains much of the religious logic of the New Age itself.

Abstract: Max Weber characterized the values constituted in ascetic Protestantism that resulted in an inner-worldly asceticism. Karl Marx elucidated the first stage of manufacture, a form of capitalism characterized by precapitalist production processes. When these values interpenetrated an economy at the first stage of manufacture, they generated the spirit of capitalism, which resulted in systematic and sustained capital accumulation. My reconceptualization of Protestant religious commitments clarifies how they led to the rationalization of the first stage of manufacture and thus resulted in systematic capital accumulation leading to machine capitalism. My characterization of religious commitment in (Sunni) Islam shows that while the economic preconditions for the development of machine capitalism, the first stage of manufacture, were sometimes present in Islamicate lands, Islamic religious commitments neither rationalized economic production nor created a tendency toward capital accumulation. In consequence, they did not result in machine capitalism.