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Modern political science, as a discipline, has failed to recognize the crisis of public philosophy. This may stem from the fact that modern political science is based on hostility toward constitutionalism & that the crisis of public philosophy has been influenced by a correlating crisis of constitutionalism in the US. A divide has developed between those who support constitutionalism & those who support the administrative state. Meanwhile, though the Constitution continues to influence contemporary politics, a reliance on constitutionalism is no longer sufficient. The Constitution never pretended to be the means by which a "good society" would be constructed. Instead, the founders focused on limiting government & defending the peoples' rights in the hope that the US would escape the tyranny, religious & otherwise, that prevailed within other political systems. K. A. Larsen

COMPARED TO CONTEMPORARY POLITICAL SCIENCE, PHYSICS AIMS AT BEING QUANTITIVE RATHER THAN EXACT, QUOTES FACTS RATHER THAN AUTHORITIES, IS ON THE LOOKOUT FOR UNIVERSAL LAWS THAN ANALYSIS. THIS ARTICLE INTRODUCES INTO POLITICAL SCIENCE THE USE OF ALGEBRAIC MODELS RATHER THAN STATISTICS AND CALCULATIONS RATHER THAN PHILOSOPHY AND THEORETICAL METHODOLOGY.

The purpose of the article is to conduct a theoretical and methodological analysis of the basic concepts and approaches to the study of political identity in the social sciences; defining the concept of "political identity" and highlighting its structural elements. The study of identity has always been interdisciplinary in nature (philosophy, anthropology, ethnography, psychology, sociology). The general conceptualization of views on political identity was carried out in three stages ("three waves"). The first stage: the Michigan project, in which political identity is considered as party identity; British concepts of political identity as an element of "mid-level" political consciousness between political values and decision preferences (D. Butler, D. Stokes). Second stage: European concepts of political identity as a product of globalization processes (Eurobarometer program, J. Welch); the concept of the indirect influence of social (ethnic, gender and confessional) identity on political identity (R. Carter, J. Helms, F. Schlesinger); the concept of political identity as a result of the influence of globalization / glocalization processes and the formation of the information society (M. Castells). The third stage: the multiculturalist concept of identity as a supranational / European mental entity that defines civilizational choice (T. Reiss, M. Emerson, I. Neumann, B. Strath, F. Cerutti); the concept of civic identity as a product of the interaction of three groups: the political elite, the economic elite and ordinary citizens (G. Best). Based on the results of the analysis, the author defines political identity as: (1) a sense of belonging (actual or imagined) to a particular political group (party, social movement, electoral group); (2) identification of oneself with a certain political position (ideology, value system). The main structural elements of political identity are: socio-status characteristics; assessments of the economic and political situation; party preferences; positions / attitudes on specific issues; assessing the personal qualities of political leaders; prospective expectations of voters from parties and candidates.

Political scientists want to do good. They want to expand knowledge about political life, but also they wish to use knowledge for political reform. Usually this means desiring to promote "democratization." Historically democracy and political science have tended to develop together. In modest ways political science can contribute to the emergence of democracy. Political reform succeeds best if it occurs incrementally, in the spirit of "one soul at a time."

America is unique in that its political institutions preceded the development of a national identity. The American Revolution and drafting of the constitution did not deepen a preexisting national self. Rather, it created a new political framework to which the "walls" of culture, particularly references to a distant past, were later added. Revisiting this moment in American history and the nation's early efforts at identity, Denis Lacorne identifies two competing narratives drawn from a reformulation of America's past, present, and future.The first narrative, derived from the philosophy of the