Suchergebnisse

During 1970-1980s the Soviet Union already launched investigation of the effects of new equipment and technology introduction, with a socio-ecological expert commission on large technical and economic projects initiated. The advisers, knowing specific methods, were assigned with lending information support to their chiefs in reasonable and rational decision making. That time it was widely talked about a systemic analysis and forecasting of large technical, economic, ecologic and other system and industry development in the context of a planned economy system, and about long-term plans for scientific and technical, economic and social development. Social projecting or social development planning was viewed as political advising to the governing bodies and officials involved into decision making. These practices, in a sense, may be regarded as an ancestor of the social evaluation of scientific and technical, and economic development. At that point, the attention was mainly focused on the proper location of plants and whole cities, ensuring workforce availability, and on the essential social sphere development. Also, approximately that time the conception of global challenges of humanity development was formulated. These global challenges, being of fundamental importance for the world on the whole, irrespective of its division into various social systems, lie within the scope of science and practice rather than theory. And to tackle these challenging problems it is essential to launch interdisciplinary and comprehensive researches, and ensure public evaluation of the challenges posed. Then it was admitted that global challenges also encompass environmental ones, which initiated conscious implementation of ecological policy. A long time passed before the USSR introduced an ecological expert commission as an effective instrument for ecological policy implementation. The introduction of procedures for environmental impact evaluation contributed to establishing mechanisms of environmentally sound managerial decision making, required for the effective implementation of the outlined economic, scientific and technical plans. However, there is no higher level of relatively independent evaluation of the technical effects on political decision making in present-day Russia. In recent years elaboration of a systemic analysis is closely connected to the study of social, economical, environmental and other effects of new technologies, as ignoring negative impacts of new equipment and technology introduction may lead to disastrous consequences for humanity and environment. However, such terrible consequences of nuclear power industry development as the Chernobyl disaster can not always be forecasted. But, we must try to do it, when launching new projects. It is imperative to conduct relevant researches, seek the opposition opinion before making a final decision, establish legal mechanisms for regulating these issues. The developed western countries name this set of measures a "social evaluation of science and technology". Social evaluation of technology is a systematic and regular research into technology's conditions and ways of development, an investigation of direct and indirect technical, economic, healthcare, environmental, social and other consequences of new equipment and technology introduction and possible options of this development. It is all the abovementioned that should become a foundation for reasonable decision making, with subsequent implementation by appropriate social institutions. Such social evaluation of technology is an interdisciplinary challenge, which requires experts with wide knowledge of not only technical and natural scientific, but also social and humanitarian aspects. Classical science was merely focusing on study and explanation of natural phenomena. Contemporary science is often forced to participate in practical decision making, for instance, in shaping public opinion in the course of political decision making. Furthermore, science is one of the largest social institutions, which want to be beneficial for society and require from contemporary society and state, if it wishes to remain among the forward-looking states of the world, increasing expenditures, with subsequent development of new evaluation options of its operation and potential. The process of acquiring scientific knowledge should integrate into economical and political decision making, which, in its turn, makes scientific research more valuable for economic development (as an innovation introducer) and for political problem solving (as a supplier of topics, challenges and knowledge, essential for decision making). Today technology as a background and, at the same time, a result of scientific researches, supported by economic and government agencies, developed into a world power, based on the principle of making everything. Ultimately, scientific and technical progress turns out to be a step backwards for nature and humanity, as it pollutes the environment and destroys human body defenses. The system technology is dealing with this challenge by focusing attention to consideration of risks and improving safety of contemporary technology and equipment. At the current state of science and technology development it became clear that scientific knowledge is unable to foresee every detail, though it is only possible to predict definite degree of risk posed by new scientific discoveries. Actually, a new pattern of science and technology development is being elaborated.

[spa] La presente tesis doctoral tiene por objetivo analizar el potencial educativo de las Comunidades de Aprendizaje en la construcción de una ciudadanía más participativa y responsable, y la repercusión de este modelo educativo en el desarrollo y aprendizaje de la competencia social y ciudadana. El problema abordado en esta investigación deriva del interés por enfrentar desde el ámbito de la teoría y la práctica educativa, las consecuencias del predomino del modelo liberal de ciudadanía, que desde nuestro punto de vista, restringe la noción de ciudadanía al reconocimiento de un status de igualdad abstracta, y limita el derecho cívico a la obligación de obedecer las leyes y respetar los derechos de otros individuos, y, que de esta manera, promueve un modelo de ciudadanía individualista, conformista y despolitizada, cuyos efectos patológicos en la vida social y política, se observan en el aumento del déficit cívico, la pérdida de confianza en las instituciones políticas y la escasa participación política, que deriva en la condición paradójica de un estado democrático sin ciudadanos y un estado democrático disminuido y debilitado. En el ámbito teórico de esta investigación, nos hemos propuesto delimitar qué modelo teórico-conceptual de ciudadanía es el más compatible con la producción de la cultura cívica y política necesaria para fortalecer y profundizar la democracia, y determinar qué disposiciones cívicas constituyen el carácter de este nuevo modelo de ciudadanía y qué competencias deberían enseñarse en la escuela. De este modo, situándonos en la perspectiva filosófica del republicanismo cívico y de la pedagogía inclusiva y democrática, que reconoce la ciudadanía como un derecho estrechamente vinculado a la práctica de las virtudes cívicas y políticas en la esfera pública, y la escuela como una organización y espacio de participación, diálogo y convivencia democrática, en esta tesis nos hemos propuesto explorar modelos alternativos de ciudadanía, que desde la perspectiva filosófica y pedagógica subrayan el rol preponderante que tiene la formación de la ciudadanía en la escuela y el desarrollo de las competencias necesarias para saber participar, convivir y ejercer de manera activa los derechos cívicos y políticos. Con este propósito, hemos realizado una revisión completa del enfoque de aprendizaje basado en competencias y de la evolución del concepto de competencia, desde el punto de vista pedagógico y de la normativa vigente, con la finalidad de identificar las principales dimensiones que constituyen el carácter cívico y la estructura de la competencia social y ciudadana. Así, a partir de este análisis, hemos podido comprender las condiciones curriculares, pedagógicas y organizacionales de la enseñanza de la competencia social y ciudadana, a la vez que hemos construido una definición de las dimensiones y sub-dimensiones que constituyen la estructura de la competencia social y ciudadana, que nos ha permitido construir los criterios para identificar y valorar el efecto educativo de las Comunidades de Aprendizaje en el desarrollo y adquisición de habilidades cívicas y sociales complejas como: la participación, la deliberación, la cooperación y la convivencia democrática. Por otra parte, con la finalidad de ampliar nuestro conocimiento sobre la implementación de la educación de la ciudadanía democrática, en el ámbito metodológico hemos llevado a cabo un estudio etnográfico con el propósito de determinar cómo influyen las condiciones idiosincrásicas de una Comunidad de Aprendizaje en la formación de la ciudadanía democrática y en el aprendizaje de la competencia social y ciudadana, para lo cual hemos efectuado una descripción pormenorizada de la Comunidad de Aprendizaje "Lledoner" de Barcelona, y un análisis cualitativo de las diversas variables escolares (pedagógicas, curriculares, organizacionales y entorno), que pudieran tener un efecto positivo en el desarrollo de la competencia social y ciudadana, en cuanto estas condiciones proporcionan a los miembros de la Comunidad de Aprendizaje oportunidades concretas para poner en práctica las libertades y responsabilidades cívicas en el contexto escolar. Así pues, en el estudio de campo, nos hemos propuesto describir de manera pormenorizada aquellos ámbitos educativos de la Comunidad de Aprendizaje estudiada, distinguiendo los siguientes ámbitos de análisis: a) cultura y clima escolar, b) organización y gestión institucional, c) curricular y prácticas pedagógicas, y d) vinculación del centro educativo con el entorno. Asimismo, en esta investigación, con la finalidad de analizar en profundidad el potencial educativo de las Comunidades de Aprendizaje, hemos intentado identificar y explicar el efecto educativo de aquellas estrategias y actividades de aprendizaje, estructuras y procesos organizativos, y espacios y procesos grupales, que por sus características inclusivas y democráticas, proporcionan condiciones de igualdad de oportunidades para que alumnos, familiares y docentes, puedan ejercer las libertades cívicas en el contexto de la educación formal e informal. ; [eng] This doctoral thesis focuses to analyze the educational potential of Community Learning in building a more participatory and responsible citizenship, and the impact of this educational model in the development and learning of social and civic competence. The problem addressed in this research stems from the interest in facing the field of educational theory and practice, the consequences of the dominance of the liberal model of citizenship, from our point of view, the notion of citizenship restricts the recognition of a status abstract equality and civil right to limit the obligation to obey the law and respect the rights of other individuals, and which thus promotes a model of individualistic, conformist and depoliticized citizenship, whose pathological effects on political and social life are observed on increasing civic deficit, the loss of confidence in political institutions and low political participation, which results in the paradoxical condition of a democratic state without citizens and a democratic state diminished and weakened. In the theoretical part of this research, we intend to define what theoretical-conceptual model of citizenship, is the most compatible with the production of civic and political culture, necessary to strengthen and deepen the democracy and determine which civic dispositions constitute the character of this new model of citizenship, and what skills must be taught in school. Thus, adopting the philosophical perspective of civic republicanism and inclusive and democratic pedagogy, that recognizes citizenship as a right, closely linked to the practice of civic and political virtues in the public sphere, and the school as an organization of participation, dialogue and democratic life, in this thesis we intend to explore alternative models of citizenship, from the philosophical and pedagogical perspective, that emphasize the role of the school in the formation of citizenship and develop the skills necessary, to know participate, live and exercise the civil and political rights. For this purpose, we have carried out a full review of the approach to competence-based learning, and the evolution of the concept of competence, from a pedagogical point of view and the regulations, in order to identify the main dimensions that constitute the civic character and structure of the social and civic competence. Thus, from this analysis, we were able to understand the curricular, pedagogical and organizational conditions, necesary for the teaching of social and civic competence in the school, while we built a definition of the dimensions and sub-dimensions, that constitute the structure of social and civic competence, which has allowed us to build the criteria to identify and evaluate the educational impact of Community Learning in the development and acquisition of complex civic and social skills such as: participation, deliberation, cooperation and democratic coexistence. In addition, in the methodological area, we have conducted an ethnographic study, in order to determine the influence of the idiosyncratic conditions of the Community Learning in formation of democratic citizenship and the learning of social and civic competence, for which we made a detailed description of the Community Learning "Lledoner" from Barcelona, and a qualitative analysis of the different school variables (pedagogical, curricular, organizational and environment), which could have an educational effect on the development of social and civic competence, as these conditions provide members of the Community Learning, concrete opportunities to practice and live, civic liberty and responsibilities in the school and classroom context. Thus, in this part of study, we intend to describe in detail these educational areas of the Community Learning, distinguishing the following areas of analysis: a) school culture and climate, b) organization and governance, c) curricular and teaching practices, and d) link between the school and the environment. Also, in this research, in order to analyze in depth the educational potential of the Community Learning, we have tried to identify and explain the educational effect of each of these strategies and learning activities, organizational structures, group processes, and spaces of participation and dialogue, which by its inclusive and democratic characteristics, provide equal opportunities for students, families and teachers, to practice and develop civil liberties in the context of formal and informal education.

Abstract. In recent decades, the issue of the humanitarian sphere, in particular education, has been in the focus of attention of politicians, public figures, scientists, teachers, parents, because it is education that determines the future of the world, of each country, and its results directly affect the state of affairs in all other spheres of human life - political, socio-economic, cultural and scientific. Personal development is recognized as the main goal, the key indicator of modern progress, and therefore it puts forward new requirements to education, to its quality, in particular, to the quality of educational activities, as a part of a holistic pedagogical process. The state documents, decrees of the President of Ukraine, the Order of the Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine, the concepts define the priorities of the development of education of Ukraine in general and educational activities in particular, the main provisions of strategic changes, the corresponding legal and regulatory framework has been created and updated, practical reformation of the branch is carried out in accordance with the Conceptual Principles of Secondary School Reform «New Ukrainian School», the Conceptual Principles of National-Patriotic Education of Ukraine and the Strategy of National-Patriotic Education of Ukraine, etc. At the same time, the situation in educational activities, the pace and content of transformations do not sufficiently meet the needs of the individual, the government and the society. This demands updating of education and sets the task for the government to ensure the priority of pedagogical tasks, including educational ones, the urgency of solving current problems of education and personal development through improving the quality of education, the quality of pedagogical activities, including educational ones. Chapter 5 of the Act «On education» addresses the issue of quality assurance in education, noting the need to establish an internal system of quality assurance in educational institutions. Development of such system in general secondary education institutions (GSEI), definition of policies and procedures, principles, directions, tools for assessing the quality of GSEI activity are ongoing. In this context, we consider it necessary to propose a model for assessing the quality of educational activities of GSEI, developed on the basis of a qualimetric approach. The article defines such directions of assessment of the quality of educational activity of GSEI, as: the quality of personal development of students, the quality of development of students team, the quality of professional activity of teachers as an educators, the quality of educational environment and the conditions for ensuring educational activity. ; Анотація. Протягом останніх десятиліть питання гуманітарної сфери, зокрема освіти, перебувають у центрі уваги політиків, громадських діячів, науковців, педагогів, батьківської спільноти, оскільки саме освіта визначає майбутнє світу, кожної держави, її результати прямо впливають на стан справ увсіх інших сферах людського життя – політичного, соціально-економічного, культурного, наукового. Розвиток людини визнано головною метою, ключовим показником сучасного прогресу, а відтак це висуває нові вимоги до освіти, до її якості, зокрема до якості виховної діяльності, яка є одним із компонентів цілісного педагогічного процесу. У державних документах, Указах Президента України, Наказ МОН України, концепціях визначено пріоритети розвитку освіти України загалом івиховання зокрема, основні положення стратегічних змін, створено йоновлено відповідну нормативно-правову базу, здійснюється практичне реформування галузі згідно з Концептуальними засадами реформування середньої школи «Нова українська школа», Концепцією національно-патріотичного виховання всистемі освіти України, Стратегією національно-патріотичного виховання тощо. Водночас стан справ у виховній діяльності, темпи та змістовність перетворень недостатньо задовольняють потреби особистості, держави йсуспільства. Це вимагає оновлення галузі та ставить перед державою завдання забезпечити пріоритетність освітніх, у т.ч. виховних завдань, першочерговість розв'язання нагальних проблем виховання й розвитку особистості завдяки підвищенню якості освіти, якості освітньої діяльності, у тому числі виховної. Питанню забезпечення якості освіти присвячений п'ятий розділ Закону України «Про освіту», у якому наголошено на необхідності створення в закладах освіти внутрішньої системи забезпечення якості освіти. Саме зараз і триває побудова таких систем у закладах загальної середньої освіти (ЗЗСО), визначення політики та процедур, принципів, напрямів, інструментарію вимірювання якості діяльності ЗЗСО. У цьому контексті вважаємо за необхідне запропонувати модель оцінки якості виховної діяльності ЗЗСО, розроблену на засадах кваліметричного підходу. У статті визначено такі напрями оцінювання якості виховної діяльності ЗЗСО, як-от: якість особистісного розвитку вихованців, якість розвитку учнівського колективу, якість професійної діяльності педагогів як вихователів, якість виховного середовища й умов забезпечення виховної діяльності. ; Аннотация. В течение последних десятилетий вопросы гуманитарной сферы, в частности образования, находятся в центре внимания политиков, общественных деятелей, ученых, педагогов, родительской общественности, поскольку именно образование определяет будущее мира, каждого государства, его результаты напрямую влияют на состояние дел во всех других сферах человеческой жизни – политической, социально-экономической, культурной, научной. Развитие человека обозначено главной целью, ключевым показателем современного прогресса, а следовательно, это выдвигает новые требования кобразованию, его качеству, в частности качеству воспитательной деятельности, являющейся одним из компонентов целостного педагогического процесса. В государственных документах, указах Президента Украины, Приказах МОН Украины, концепциях определены приоритеты развития образования Украины в целом и воспитания в частности, основные положения стратегических изменений, создана и обновлена соответствующая нормативно-правовая база, осуществляется практическое реформирование отрасли всоответствии с Концептуальными принципами реформирования средней школы «Новая украинская школа», Концепцией национально-патриотического воспитания в системе образования Украины, Стратегией национально-патриотического воспитания и тому подобное. В то же время положение дел в воспитательной деятельности, темпы исодержательность преобразований недостаточно удовлетворяют потребности личности, государства и общества. Это обуславливает обновление отрасли иставит перед государством задачу обеспечить приоритетность образовательных, в т.ч. воспитательных задач, первоочередность решения неотложных проблем воспитания и развития личности благодаря повышению качества образования, качества образовательной деятельности, в том числе воспитательной. Вопросу обеспечения качества образования посвящена пятая глава Закона Украины «Об образовании», в которой отмечена необходимость создания в учебных заведениях внутренней системы обеспечения качества образования. Именно сейчас и продолжается построение таких систем вучреждениях общего среднего образования (УОСО), определение политики и процедур, принципов, направлений, инструментария измерения качества деятельности УОСО. В этом контексте считаем необходимым предложить модель оценки качества воспитательной деятельности УОСО, разработанную на основе квалиметрического подхода. В статье определены такие направления оценки качества воспитательной деятельности УОСО, как: качество личностного развития воспитанников, качество развития ученического коллектива, качество профессиональной деятельности педагогов как воспитателей, качество воспитательной среды йусловий обеспечения воспитательной деятельности.

Виходячи із вимог статті 17 Конституції України, головною сутністю інформаційної політики держави має бути забезпечення її інформаційної безпеки відповідно до визначення, яке наведене в Законі України "Про інформацію". В той же час, проведений аналіз чинного інформаційного законодавства України свідчить про недосконалість національних механізмів забезпечення інформаційної безпеки, в основі якого лежить неоднозначний та подекуди неадекватний понятійно-категорійний апарат цієї важливої галузі державної діяльності. Численні приклади цього знаходяться, зокрема, у таких важливих для інформаційної сфери документах як Закони України "Про інформацію", "Про телекомунікації", "Про основні засади забезпечення кібербезпеки України", Стратегія національної безпеки України, Стратегія кібербезпеки України, Доктрина інформаційної безпеки України тощо.Наслідком цього як теоретична, так і практична діяльність дезорієнтуються, що призводить до довільного розуміння та використання термінів, їх ситуативної модифікації, ігнорування у випадках, коли таке недоцільне. Це призвело до довільного розуміння як державної інформаційної політики, так і сутності інформаційної безпеки держави загалом, що, в свою чергу, шкодить становленню та розвитку теоретичних основ щодо забезпечення інформаційної безпеки держави, а також адекватності реалізації відповідних практичних заходів. Іншою причиною непевного стану щодо забезпечення інформаційної безпеки України стало те, що до сьогодні, незважаючи на конституційну норму, ще не прийнято рамкового закону, яким би стверджувалися основні поняття і положення щодо інформаційної безпеки держави. Це загалом гальмує об'єднавчі процеси та забезпечення їх адекватності і в теоретичному руслі, і в напрямах практики.З метою удосконалення системи забезпечення інформаційної безпеки держави в статті обґрунтовано адекватні визначення для існуючого інформаційного законодавства та запропоновані терміни для нового рамкового законопроекту щодо забезпечення інформаційної безпеки України. Ці зміни переважно термінологічні, за сутністю є похідними від фундаментального поняття "інформація", не суперечать йому та один одному, мають системний взаємозв'язок. На їх основі може бути удосконалено інші положення вищеназваних Законів України, а також інші нормативно-правові акти держави, що регулюють інформаційну сферу, чим буде досягнута їх відповідність вимозі Конституції України щодо забезпечення інформаційної безпеки держави та, відповідно, адекватність усіх наступних дій у цій галузі. ; Исходя из требований статьи 17 Конституции Украины, главной сущностью информационной политики государства должно быть обеспечение ее информационной безопасности в соответствии с определением, которое приведено в Законе Украины "Про информацию". В то же время, проведенный анализ действующего информационного законодательства Украины свидетельствует о несовершенстве национальных механизмов обеспечения информационной безопасности, в основе которого лежит неоднозначный и кое-где неадекватный понятийно-категориальный аппарат этой важной отрасли деятельности. Численные примеры этого имеют место в таких важных для информационной сферы документах как Законы Украины "Про информацию", "Про телекоммуникацию", "Об основных принципах обеспечения кибербезопасности Украины", Стратегия национальной безопасности Украины, Стратегия кибербезопасности Украины, Доктрина информационной безопасности Украины и др.Следствием этого как теория, так и практика дезориентируются, что приводит к произвольному пониманию и использованию терминов, их ситуативной модификации. Это привело к произвольному пониманию, как государственной информационной политики, так и сущности информационной безопасности государства в целом, что, в свою очередь, вредит становлению и развитию теоретических основ по обеспечению информационной безопасности государства, а также адекватности реализации соответствующих практических мероприятий. Другой причиной неудовлетворительного состояния по обеспечению информационной безопасности Украины стало то, что до сих пор еще не принят рамочный закон, которым бы утверждались основные понятия и положения по информационной безопасности государства.С целью усовершенствования системы обеспечения информационной безопасности государства в статье обоснованы адекватные определения для существующего информационного законодательства и предложены термины для нового рамочного законопроекта по обеспечению информационной безопасности Украины. Эти изменения преимущественно терминологические, по своей сути являются производными от фундаментального понятия "информация", не противоречат ему и друг другу, имеют системную взаимосвязь. На их основе могут быть усовершенствованы другие положения вышеназванных Законов Украины, а также другие нормативно-правовые акты государства, которые регулируют информационную сферу, чем будет достигнуто их соответствие требованиям Конституции Украины по обеспечению информационной безопасности государства. ; Quitting the requirements of the article of a 17 Constitution of Ukraine, main essence of informative policy of the state must be providing of it informative safety in accordance with determination which is resulted in Law of Ukraine "On information". At the same time, the conducted analysis of current informative legislation ofUkrainetestifies to imperfection of national mechanisms of providing of informative safety, which the ambiguous is underpaid and here and there inadequate concept and category vehicle of this important industry of government activity. Calculation examples of it are, in particular, in such important for an informative sphere documents as Laws of Ukraine "On information", "About telecommunications", "About basic principles of providing of Cybernetic safetyUkraine", Strategy of national safety ofUkraine, Strategy of Cybernetic safetyUkraine, Doctrine of informative safety ofUkraineand others like that.By investigation of it both theoretical and practical, activity lose one's bearing, that results in the arbitrary understanding and use of terms, them situation modification, ignoring, in the cases when such inadvisable. It resulted in the arbitrary understanding of both public informative policy and essence of information defense of the state, on the whole, that, in same queue, harms becoming and development of theoretical bases in relation to providing of information defense of the state, and also adequacy of realization of the proper practical measures. Other reason of the uncertain state in relation to providing of information defense ofUkrainewas become by that until now, without regard to a constitutional norm, it is not yet accepted scope law which basic concepts and position in relation to information defense of the state became firmly established. It on the whole breaks unifying processes and providing of their adequacy and in a theoretical river-bed, and in directions of practice.With the purpose of improvement of the system of providing of informative safety of the state in the article grounded adequate determinations for an existent informative legislation and offered terms for a new scope bill in relation to providing of informative safety of Ukraine. These changes are mainly terminology, after essence is derivatives from fundamental concept "information", does not conflict with it and to each other, have system intercommunication. On their basis it can be improved other positions of afore-named Laws of Ukraine, and also other normatively legal acts of the state, which regulate an informative sphere, what their meeting the requirement of Constitution of Ukraine will be attained in relation to providing of information defense of the state and, accordingly, adequacy of all next actions in this industry.

У статті проаналізовано проблему фінансування соціальної політики в державі в умовах глибоких суспільних трансформацій. Соціальну політику держави автори статті розглядають як комплекс заходів держави, спрямований на задоволення певних матеріальних потреб, та як політичну доктрину економічної стратегії розвитку країни. У статті розглянуто сутність соціальної політики як діяльності держави та інших суспільних інститутів у соціальній сфері, проаналізовано окремі тенденції соціальної політики, стан та перспективи фінансування заходів соціальної політики в Україні, виявлено ймовірні способи подолання кризових явищ в соціальній сфері. Фінансові фактори соціальної політики держави визначено на основі кейнсіанської доктрини формування ефективного попиту та фіскальної політики, що передбачає видатки з бюджету на розв'язання соціальних проблем. Встановлено, що соціальна політика стала невід'ємною частиною процесу суспільного виробництва та спрямована в бік досягнення соціального консенсусу, пошуку нових орієнтирів у розподілі доходів між окремими соціальними групами. У статті доводиться, що формуванню ефективного попиту в економіці заважає низький рівень купівельної спроможності у більшості домогосподарств, а високий рівень диференціації споживання населення негативно впливає на структуру та динаміку виробництва і не сприяє його розвитку. Встановлено, що виробництво, орієнтоване на обмежений платоспроможний попит, не здатне задовольнити реальні потреби, а зменшення споживання поглиблює розрив між структурою виробництва і структурою ринку з усіма можливими наслідками. Доводиться необхідність динамічного використання продуктивних і споживчих можливостей усіх прошарків населення та неприпустимість зменшення фонду споживання для збільшення фонду нагромадження. На основі аналізу структури грошових доходів населення визначено роль соціального захисту в системі суспільного відтворення. Запропоновано подальші зміни в розподілі доходів населення спрямувати в бік досягнення соціального консенсусу, пошуку нових орієнтирів у розподілі доходів між окремими соціальними групами населення для встановлення економічних і соціальних взаємозв'язків, які посилять стійкість соціально-економічної системи суспільства. Обґрунтовано доцільність розширення дослідження зазначеної проблематики з урахуванням інституціональних факторів. ; The problem of financing of social policy in the state in the context of deep social transformations has been analyzed in the article. The authors consider the social policy of the state as a complex of state measures aimed to satisfaction of certain material needs and as the political doctrine of the country's economic development strategy. The essence of social policy as an activity of the state and other public institutions in the social sphere is considered, some trends of social policy, state and prospects of financing of social policy measures in Ukraine are analyzed, possible ways of overcoming the crisis phenomena in the social sphere are revealed. The financial factors of social policy of the state are determined on the basis of the Keynesian doctrine of formation of effective demand and fiscal policy, provides expenses from the budget on the solution of social problems. It was determined that social policy has become an integral part of the process of social production and is directed towards the achievement of social consensuses, search of new reference points in distribution of income between separate social groups. In the article it has been proved that the formation of effective demand in the economy is hampered by the low level of purchasing power in most households, and the high level of differentiation of consumption of the population has negative effect on structure and dynamics of production and does not contribute to its development. It is established that the production focused on a limited effective demand that cannot satisfy real needs, and reduction of consumption deepens a gap between the structure of production and the structure of the market with all the ensuing consequences. The necessity of the dynamic use of the productive and consumer possibilities of all segments of the population and the inadmissibility of reducing the consumption fund for increasing the accumulation fund is proved. Based on the analysis of the structure of monetary incomes of the population the role of social protection in the system of social reproduction is determined. It is suggested that further changes in income distribution should be directed towards achieving social consensus, searching for new benchmarks in income distribution among individual social groups of the population in order to establish economic and social interrelations which will increase the sustainability of the socio-economic system of society. The expediency of expanding the study of this problem with the consideration of institutional factors has been proved. ; В статье проанализирована проблема финансирования социальной политики в государстве в условиях глубоких общественных трансформаций. Социальную политику государства авторы статьи рассматривают как комплекс мероприятий государства, направленный на удовлетворение определенных материальных потребностей, и как политическую доктрину экономической стратегии развития страны. В статье рассмотрена сущность социальной политики как деятельности государства и других общественных институтов в социальной сфере, проанализированы отдельные тенденции социальной политики, состояние и перспективы финансирования мер социальной политики в Украине, выявлены возможные способы преодоления кризисных явлений в социальной сфере. Финансовые факторы социальной политики государства определены на основе кейнсианской доктрины формирования эффективного спроса и фискальной политики, что предусматривает расходы из бюджета на решение социальных проблем. Установлено, что социальная политика стала неотъемлемой частью процесса общественного производства и направлена в сторону достижения социального консенсуса, поиска новых ориентиров в распределении доходов между отдельными социальными группами. В статье доказывается, что формированию эффективного спроса в экономике мешает низкий уровень покупательной способности в большинстве домохозяйств, а высокий уровень дифференциации потребления населения негативно влияет на структуру и динамику производства и не способствует его развитию. Установлено, что производство, ориентированное на ограниченный платежеспособный спрос, не способное удовлетворить реальные потребности, а уменьшение потребления углубляет разрыв между структурой производства и структурой рынка со всеми вытекающими последствиями. Доказывается необходимость динамического использования производительных и потребительских возможностей всех слоев населения и недопустимости уменьшения фонда потребления для увеличения фонда накопления. На основе анализа структуры денежных доходов населения определена роль социальной защиты в системе общественного воспроизводства. Предложено дальнейшие изменения в распределении доходов направить в сторону достижения социального консенсуса, поиска новых ориентиров в распределении доходов между отдельными социальными группами населения для установления экономических и социальных взаимосвязей, которые усилят устойчивость социально-экономической системы общества. Обоснована целесообразность расширения исследования указанной проблематики с учетом институциональных факторов.

Виходячи із вимог статті 17 Конституції України, головною сутністю інформаційної політики держави має бути забезпечення її інформаційної безпеки відповідно до визначення, яке наведене в Законі України "Про інформацію". В той же час, проведений аналіз чинного інформаційного законодавства України свідчить про недосконалість національних механізмів забезпечення інформаційної безпеки, в основі якого лежить неоднозначний та подекуди неадекватний понятійно-категорійний апарат цієї важливої галузі державної діяльності. Численні приклади цього знаходяться, зокрема, у таких важливих для інформаційної сфери документах як Закони України "Про інформацію", "Про телекомунікації", "Про основні засади забезпечення кібербезпеки України", Стратегія національної безпеки України, Стратегія кібербезпеки України, Доктрина інформаційної безпеки України тощо.Наслідком цього як теоретична, так і практична діяльність дезорієнтуються, що призводить до довільного розуміння та використання термінів, їх ситуативної модифікації, ігнорування у випадках, коли таке недоцільне. Це призвело до довільного розуміння як державної інформаційної політики, так і сутності інформаційної безпеки держави загалом, що, в свою чергу, шкодить становленню та розвитку теоретичних основ щодо забезпечення інформаційної безпеки держави, а також адекватності реалізації відповідних практичних заходів. Іншою причиною непевного стану щодо забезпечення інформаційної безпеки України стало те, що до сьогодні, незважаючи на конституційну норму, ще не прийнято рамкового закону, яким би стверджувалися основні поняття і положення щодо інформаційної безпеки держави. Це загалом гальмує об'єднавчі процеси та забезпечення їх адекватності і в теоретичному руслі, і в напрямах практики.З метою удосконалення системи забезпечення інформаційної безпеки держави в статті обґрунтовано адекватні визначення для існуючого інформаційного законодавства та запропоновані терміни для нового рамкового законопроекту щодо забезпечення інформаційної безпеки України. Ці зміни переважно термінологічні, за сутністю є похідними від фундаментального поняття "інформація", не суперечать йому та один одному, мають системний взаємозв'язок. На їх основі може бути удосконалено інші положення вищеназваних Законів України, а також інші нормативно-правові акти держави, що регулюють інформаційну сферу, чим буде досягнута їх відповідність вимозі Конституції України щодо забезпечення інформаційної безпеки держави та, відповідно, адекватність усіх наступних дій у цій галузі. ; Исходя из требований статьи 17 Конституции Украины, главной сущностью информационной политики государства должно быть обеспечение ее информационной безопасности в соответствии с определением, которое приведено в Законе Украины "Про информацию". В то же время, проведенный анализ действующего информационного законодательства Украины свидетельствует о несовершенстве национальных механизмов обеспечения информационной безопасности, в основе которого лежит неоднозначный и кое-где неадекватный понятийно-категориальный аппарат этой важной отрасли деятельности. Численные примеры этого имеют место в таких важных для информационной сферы документах как Законы Украины "Про информацию", "Про телекоммуникацию", "Об основных принципах обеспечения кибербезопасности Украины", Стратегия национальной безопасности Украины, Стратегия кибербезопасности Украины, Доктрина информационной безопасности Украины и др.Следствием этого как теория, так и практика дезориентируются, что приводит к произвольному пониманию и использованию терминов, их ситуативной модификации. Это привело к произвольному пониманию, как государственной информационной политики, так и сущности информационной безопасности государства в целом, что, в свою очередь, вредит становлению и развитию теоретических основ по обеспечению информационной безопасности государства, а также адекватности реализации соответствующих практических мероприятий. Другой причиной неудовлетворительного состояния по обеспечению информационной безопасности Украины стало то, что до сих пор еще не принят рамочный закон, которым бы утверждались основные понятия и положения по информационной безопасности государства.С целью усовершенствования системы обеспечения информационной безопасности государства в статье обоснованы адекватные определения для существующего информационного законодательства и предложены термины для нового рамочного законопроекта по обеспечению информационной безопасности Украины. Эти изменения преимущественно терминологические, по своей сути являются производными от фундаментального понятия "информация", не противоречат ему и друг другу, имеют системную взаимосвязь. На их основе могут быть усовершенствованы другие положения вышеназванных Законов Украины, а также другие нормативно-правовые акты государства, которые регулируют информационную сферу, чем будет достигнуто их соответствие требованиям Конституции Украины по обеспечению информационной безопасности государства. ; Quitting the requirements of the article of a 17 Constitution of Ukraine, main essence of informative policy of the state must be providing of it informative safety in accordance with determination which is resulted in Law of Ukraine "On information". At the same time, the conducted analysis of current informative legislation ofUkrainetestifies to imperfection of national mechanisms of providing of informative safety, which the ambiguous is underpaid and here and there inadequate concept and category vehicle of this important industry of government activity. Calculation examples of it are, in particular, in such important for an informative sphere documents as Laws of Ukraine "On information", "About telecommunications", "About basic principles of providing of Cybernetic safetyUkraine", Strategy of national safety ofUkraine, Strategy of Cybernetic safetyUkraine, Doctrine of informative safety ofUkraineand others like that.By investigation of it both theoretical and practical, activity lose one's bearing, that results in the arbitrary understanding and use of terms, them situation modification, ignoring, in the cases when such inadvisable. It resulted in the arbitrary understanding of both public informative policy and essence of information defense of the state, on the whole, that, in same queue, harms becoming and development of theoretical bases in relation to providing of information defense of the state, and also adequacy of realization of the proper practical measures. Other reason of the uncertain state in relation to providing of information defense ofUkrainewas become by that until now, without regard to a constitutional norm, it is not yet accepted scope law which basic concepts and position in relation to information defense of the state became firmly established. It on the whole breaks unifying processes and providing of their adequacy and in a theoretical river-bed, and in directions of practice.With the purpose of improvement of the system of providing of informative safety of the state in the article grounded adequate determinations for an existent informative legislation and offered terms for a new scope bill in relation to providing of informative safety of Ukraine. These changes are mainly terminology, after essence is derivatives from fundamental concept "information", does not conflict with it and to each other, have system intercommunication. On their basis it can be improved other positions of afore-named Laws of Ukraine, and also other normatively legal acts of the state, which regulate an informative sphere, what their meeting the requirement of Constitution of Ukraine will be attained in relation to providing of information defense of the state and, accordingly, adequacy of all next actions in this industry.

У статті проаналізовано проблему фінансування соціальної політики в державі в умовах глибоких суспільних трансформацій. Соціальну політику держави автори статті розглядають як комплекс заходів держави, спрямований на задоволення певних матеріальних потреб, та як політичну доктрину економічної стратегії розвитку країни. У статті розглянуто сутність соціальної політики як діяльності держави та інших суспільних інститутів у соціальній сфері, проаналізовано окремі тенденції соціальної політики, стан та перспективи фінансування заходів соціальної політики в Україні, виявлено ймовірні способи подолання кризових явищ в соціальній сфері. Фінансові фактори соціальної політики держави визначено на основі кейнсіанської доктрини формування ефективного попиту та фіскальної політики, що передбачає видатки з бюджету на розв'язання соціальних проблем. Встановлено, що соціальна політика стала невід'ємною частиною процесу суспільного виробництва та спрямована в бік досягнення соціального консенсусу, пошуку нових орієнтирів у розподілі доходів між окремими соціальними групами. У статті доводиться, що формуванню ефективного попиту в економіці заважає низький рівень купівельної спроможності у більшості домогосподарств, а високий рівень диференціації споживання населення негативно впливає на структуру та динаміку виробництва і не сприяє його розвитку. Встановлено, що виробництво, орієнтоване на обмежений платоспроможний попит, не здатне задовольнити реальні потреби, а зменшення споживання поглиблює розрив між структурою виробництва і структурою ринку з усіма можливими наслідками. Доводиться необхідність динамічного використання продуктивних і споживчих можливостей усіх прошарків населення та неприпустимість зменшення фонду споживання для збільшення фонду нагромадження. На основі аналізу структури грошових доходів населення визначено роль соціального захисту в системі суспільного відтворення. Запропоновано подальші зміни в розподілі доходів населення спрямувати в бік досягнення соціального консенсусу, пошуку нових орієнтирів у розподілі доходів між окремими соціальними групами населення для встановлення економічних і соціальних взаємозв'язків, які посилять стійкість соціально-економічної системи суспільства. Обґрунтовано доцільність розширення дослідження зазначеної проблематики з урахуванням інституціональних факторів. ; The problem of financing of social policy in the state in the context of deep social transformations has been analyzed in the article. The authors consider the social policy of the state as a complex of state measures aimed to satisfaction of certain material needs and as the political doctrine of the country's economic development strategy. The essence of social policy as an activity of the state and other public institutions in the social sphere is considered, some trends of social policy, state and prospects of financing of social policy measures in Ukraine are analyzed, possible ways of overcoming the crisis phenomena in the social sphere are revealed. The financial factors of social policy of the state are determined on the basis of the Keynesian doctrine of formation of effective demand and fiscal policy, provides expenses from the budget on the solution of social problems. It was determined that social policy has become an integral part of the process of social production and is directed towards the achievement of social consensuses, search of new reference points in distribution of income between separate social groups. In the article it has been proved that the formation of effective demand in the economy is hampered by the low level of purchasing power in most households, and the high level of differentiation of consumption of the population has negative effect on structure and dynamics of production and does not contribute to its development. It is established that the production focused on a limited effective demand that cannot satisfy real needs, and reduction of consumption deepens a gap between the structure of production and the structure of the market with all the ensuing consequences. The necessity of the dynamic use of the productive and consumer possibilities of all segments of the population and the inadmissibility of reducing the consumption fund for increasing the accumulation fund is proved. Based on the analysis of the structure of monetary incomes of the population the role of social protection in the system of social reproduction is determined. It is suggested that further changes in income distribution should be directed towards achieving social consensus, searching for new benchmarks in income distribution among individual social groups of the population in order to establish economic and social interrelations which will increase the sustainability of the socio-economic system of society. The expediency of expanding the study of this problem with the consideration of institutional factors has been proved. ; В статье проанализирована проблема финансирования социальной политики в государстве в условиях глубоких общественных трансформаций. Социальную политику государства авторы статьи рассматривают как комплекс мероприятий государства, направленный на удовлетворение определенных материальных потребностей, и как политическую доктрину экономической стратегии развития страны. В статье рассмотрена сущность социальной политики как деятельности государства и других общественных институтов в социальной сфере, проанализированы отдельные тенденции социальной политики, состояние и перспективы финансирования мер социальной политики в Украине, выявлены возможные способы преодоления кризисных явлений в социальной сфере. Финансовые факторы социальной политики государства определены на основе кейнсианской доктрины формирования эффективного спроса и фискальной политики, что предусматривает расходы из бюджета на решение социальных проблем. Установлено, что социальная политика стала неотъемлемой частью процесса общественного производства и направлена в сторону достижения социального консенсуса, поиска новых ориентиров в распределении доходов между отдельными социальными группами. В статье доказывается, что формированию эффективного спроса в экономике мешает низкий уровень покупательной способности в большинстве домохозяйств, а высокий уровень дифференциации потребления населения негативно влияет на структуру и динамику производства и не способствует его развитию. Установлено, что производство, ориентированное на ограниченный платежеспособный спрос, не способное удовлетворить реальные потребности, а уменьшение потребления углубляет разрыв между структурой производства и структурой рынка со всеми вытекающими последствиями. Доказывается необходимость динамического использования производительных и потребительских возможностей всех слоев населения и недопустимости уменьшения фонда потребления для увеличения фонда накопления. На основе анализа структуры денежных доходов населения определена роль социальной защиты в системе общественного воспроизводства. Предложено дальнейшие изменения в распределении доходов направить в сторону достижения социального консенсуса, поиска новых ориентиров в распределении доходов между отдельными социальными группами населения для установления экономических и социальных взаимосвязей, которые усилят устойчивость социально-экономической системы общества. Обоснована целесообразность расширения исследования указанной проблематики с учетом институциональных факторов.

Wenn räumliche Planungen in Angriff genommen werden, sind Konflikte meist vorprogrammiert. Weiten sich diese Konflikte über das konkrete Planungsprojekt aus, führt dies oft zu Debatten um das Ausmaß und die Art und Weise, in der die von einer Planung Betroffenen in diese einbezogen werden. Partizipative Verfahren werden dann als Ausweg aus einer solchen 'planerischen Legitimitätskrise' angesehen. Doch wie berechtigt ist die mit partizipativen Verfahren verbundene Hoffnung auf einen Ausgleich der widerstreitenden Interessen? Ziel der vorliegenden Untersuchung war es, anhand der Planungsprozesse ausgewählter Hochwasserrückhalteräume zu klären, inwieweit partizipative Verfahren tatsächlich zur Verbesserung von räumlichen Planungsprozessen beitragen können. Hierzu wurden drei Forschungsfragen aufgestellt: 1) Wie können partizipative Prozesse evaluiert werden? 2) Wie wirken sich partizipative Prozesse auf die Ergebnisse räumlicher Planungen aus? 3) Welche Rahmenbedingungen und Prozessfaktoren müssen für eine erfolgreiche Öffentlichkeitsbeteiligung gegeben sein? Mit dem Fokus auf einer partizipativen Entscheidungsfindung lässt sich die Arbeit in das Feld der interaktionsorientierten Policy-Forschung einordnen. Zur Untersuchung der partizipativen Prozesse wurden Methoden der qualitativen empirischen Sozialforschung angewandt. Der Forschungsprozess unterteilte sich in zwei Untersuchungsphasen: 1) In einer explorativen Studie wurden 25 problemzentrierte Experteninterviews in vier Fallstudien der Planung von Hochwasserrückhalteräumen entlang des deutschen Rheins durchgeführt. 2) Aufbauend auf den Ergebnissen der explorativen Studie wurde eine Modellstruktur zur Bewertung partizipativer Prozesse erarbeitet. Hierzu wurden die Ziele partizipativer Verfahren den drei Komponenten des Legitimitätsbegriffes (Input-, Throughput-, Output-Legitimität) zugeordnet. Basierend auf der Analyse bestehender Ansätze zur Evaluierung partizipativer Verfahren und den Ergebnisse der explorativen Studie entstand eine Modellstruktur. Diese diente als Codierungssystem bei der qualitativen Inhaltsanalyse der Interviews und wurde gleichzeitig im Verlauf der Analyse überarbeitet. Die Inhaltsanalyse wurde dabei auf zwei Fallstudien begrenzt. Bei der Betrachtung der beiden Fallstudien kristallisierten sich vier Rahmenbedingungen als entscheidend für den Erfolg partizipativer Verfahren heraus: 1) ein möglichst geringer Konfliktgehalt der Planung, 2) kooperative Schlüsselpersonen, 3) politische Unterstützung und politischer Handlungsspielraum, 4) finanzielle Grundlagen für den Ausgleich von Beeinträchtigungen. Als zentrale Prozessfaktoren wurden die folgenden drei Aspekte identifiziert: 1) ausreichende Ergebnisoffenheit auf Seiten des Planungsträgers und echte Kooperationsangebote an die betroffenen Akteure, 2) frühzeitige, kontinuierliche, transparente Information und direkte Kontakte zu den betroffenen Akteuren, 3) eine bewusst gestaltete Verzahnung zwischen formellen und informellen Verfahren. Die zentrale Frage dieser Arbeit, ob und inwieweit partizipative Prozesse zu einer größeren Legitimität von räumlichen Planungsprozessen beitragen können, kann nicht mit einem eindeutigen 'Ja' oder 'Nein' beantwortet werden. Dies liegt auch darin begründet, dass sich unter dem Dachbegriff der Legitimität die drei verschiedenen Aspekte Input-, Throughput- und Output-Legitimität verbergen. Diese drei Aspekte bauen aufeinander auf, stehen aber auch in einem Spannungsverhältnis zueinander, so dass Zielkonflikte zwischen ihnen entstehen. Je nach Situation und Planungsanforderungen sollte eine bewusste Entscheidung für eine bestimmte legitimatorische Ausrichtung des partizipativen Prozesses getroffen werden. Dies umso mehr, als die Fallstudien deutlich machten, dass es kein allgemeines Verständnis von Legitimität und einem 'guten' Verfahren gibt, dem sich alle Akteure automatisch anschließen. Das Wissen um Rahmenbedingungen und Prozessfaktoren kann Planungsträgern helfen, einen Beteiligungsprozess adäquat zu gestalten. Dieser ist natürlich nur bedingt steuerbar und mit gruppendynamischen Prozessen und Emotionen verbunden. Partizipation setzt daher auf Seiten der 'Anbieter' partizipativer Verfahren ein hohes Maß an Kompetenzen im Bereich des Prozess- und Konfliktmanagements voraus. Zugleich ist aber auch Partizipationskompetenz auf Seiten der partizipierenden Akteure notwendig. Partizipationsforschung sollte zukünftig stärker als bisher Wissenschaftsbereiche in die zu integrieren, die helfen, menschliche Verhaltensmuster und gruppendynamische Prozesse zu verstehen. Ein solches Verständnis würde es erlauben, adäquatere Hilfestellungen für die Gestaltung partizipativer Prozesse abzuleiten und auf die eingangs gestellte Frage nach der Wirksamkeit partizipativer Verfahren differenzierte und praxistaugliche 'Ja, wenn' – Antworten zu liefern. ; Conflicts are inherent to spatial planning processes. When these conflicts spread beyond the specific scope of the project, debates about the method to integrate concerned actors in the planning process are common. Public participation is seen in these cases as a solution for such planning-related legitimacy crises. However, the question arises as to whether expectations of public participation in relation to the balance of interests, authorized planning processes and technically sound decisions in environmental planning are justified. This thesis will contribute to answer that question by investigating planning processes in the field of flood protection. It was the main objective of this research to clarify in how far and under which conditions participatory processes can indeed improve spatial planning processes. Three research questions were derived: 1) How can participatory processes be evaluated?, 2) How do participatory processes affect the progress and result of a planning process?, 3) Which framework conditions and process factors need to be given for a successful public participation? Case studies concerning the planning of flood retention areas along the German Rhine served as background for the analysis. With its focus on the decision-making between actors, the research belongs to the field of interaction-oriented policy research. For the investigation of participatory processes, qualitative methods of empirical social research were applied. The research process was thereby divided into two investigation phases: 1) Within four case studies concerning the planning of flood retention areas along the German Rhine 25 problem-centered expert interviews were conducted. 2) Based on the results of the explorative study and on existing evaluation approaches, a model structure for the evaluation of participatory processes was developed. In order to define targets for participatory processes, different targets related to them were bundled in the field of legitimacy which includes three different components: input legitimacy, throughput legitimacy and output legitimacy. By doing so, an evaluation structure for participatory processes was developed, which bundles nine categories with 12 criteria in the three dimensions: context, process and result. The model structure served as coding system for the qualitative analysis of expert interview contents. Two case studies were selected for in-depth analysis. Four central framework conditions were identified within the case studies, which have an influence on the success of the participatory process: 1) a low conflict potential of the planning process, 2) existence of cooperative key stakeholders, 3) political support and scope of political action, 4) financial means of the planning agency to provide compensation. In additional to these general framework conditions, three crucial factors for the process design were identified: 1) openness towards unexpected results, especially on behalf of planning agencies, 2) early, continuous and transparent information flow through direct contact with concerned actors, 3) conscious interlocking of formal and informal processes. Hence, participatory processes need to be included in a mix of appropriate political instruments. The central question of this study regarding the extent to which participatory processes can add to broader legitimacy of planning processes cannot be answered with a straight 'yes' or 'no'. This is because of the complexity of the different spheres of legitimacy and the fact that they not only build on each other but that there are conflicting goals related to the three legitimacy aspects. Thus, there is the need to decide for a specific legitimacy orientation according to the situation and the requirements of the planning process. The case studies underpin this because they show that there is no universal definition of legitimacy and no commonly held understanding of a 'good' process. The focus on the identified framework conditions and process factors should allow planning agencies to facilitate improved public participation. Although they cannot necessarily be regulated, knowledge of these conditions and factors adds to the successful planning of the process. In order to handle emotions and group-dynamic processes, competencies in conflict and process management are crucial on the supply side. On the side of the participating actors, courage to express their own interests is important as well as the skills to understand complex planning processes and to act emphatically. Research areas that assist in understanding behavioral patterns and group-dynamic processes should therefore be more intensely included in participation research. This understanding would allow for appropriate assistance concerning the design of participatory processes and for the answer 'yes, if…' to the question of whether participatory processes can assist in the improvement of planning processes.

Ein Jahr nach der Annexion der Krim hat sich die Stimmung in Russland gegenüber dem Westen deutlich zum Negativen gewandelt. Seitens der russischen Regierung wird die Situation genutzt, um patriotische Gefühle bei der Bevölkerung zu wecken und Kritiker zu isolieren. Der Ukraine-Konflikt macht zudem deutlich, dass Russland in seiner Auseinandersetzung mit dem Westen eine eigene Kosten-Nutzen-Kalkulation hat, die sich nicht an ökonomischen Interessen orientiert. (KAS-Auslandsinformationen / SWP)

"Many women residing in the southern regions, whose livelihoods are heavily reliant on agricultural crops such as olives and tobacco, find themselves compelled to abandon their fields due to safety concerns." Despite the all-consuming economic crisis impacting daily life in Lebanon, entrepreneurs of all ages are still determined to occupy the business scene. For a tight-knit community of producers, the Souk El Tayeb farmers' market is an eco-minded haven. It aims to provide sustainable and local products to the Beirut community. Doing so is about more than just helping the planet—it is integral to preserving heritage, forging connection, and ensuring environmental security.Souk El Tayeb, founded in 2004 by social entrepreneur Kamal Mouzawak, started as a farmers' market with the aim to protect and promote culinary tradition, support local communities, and encourage empowered livelihoods. Since then, it has expanded to include restaurants, community kitchens, and guest houses. The farmers' market continues to be a key instrument in their mission, each Saturday welcoming 65-70 vendors to Mar Mikhael, Beirut.At Souk El Tayeb, vendors sell everything from honey to glassware; each product a soldier in the fight to keep Lebanese farming, culinary tradition, and craftsmanship alive and flourishing. In turn, Souk El Tayeb becomes a place where new culture can bloom. Innovating tradition"This is our heritage. This is our identity. This is part of who we are as a society," Ziad Abichaker, sustainability expert, environment engineer, and CEO and founder of Cedar Environmental, a waste management company, affirms. The farmers' market is "a way to fight the globalist approach to food production" and to create more "wholesome food."Yasmina Raffoul-Zahar runs a stall selling olive oil, herbs, vegetables, and more from her organic farm Bassatin Baanoub in a remote valley south of Beirut. Eleven years ago, she and her husband, Jean-Pierre Zahar, embarked on restoring its 2,000-year-old olive grove."It happened almost by accident," she says, describing her journey to becoming a farmer. When they were living in the Czech Republic, her husband, a collector of old papers, came across a text about a patriarch of Jerusalem's land. After tracking down the land to a parcel along the Awali River, they left their careers in advertising and architecture, respectively, to commit full-time to Bassatin Baanoub. They had "no business plan," but "fell in love," and began working the earth before even signing their rental documents. Raffoul-Zahar explains that the olive grove likely dates back to the Roman era but had been abandoned since the outbreak of the civil war. Left unchecked, wild vegetation moved in and ate up the grove and surrounding terraces. Restoring the grove meant that some of those newcomers had to be removed. "You're somehow harming biodiversity because you're interfering," Raffoul-Zahar said. However, she leaves some areas of the farm untouched to balance preserving biodiversity and Lebanese farming traditions. Lebanon is home to 1.11% of the world's plant species despite occupying less than 0.01% of the world's land area, according to the Convention on Biodiversity. Of its approximately 2,600 terrestrial plant species, 96 are floral species listed as rare or threatened. The Zahars recognize the importance of maintaining local flora. They have 180 species at Bassatin Baanoub and try to allow flowers to bloom where they sprout. It is mutually beneficial to them and the earth: scattered flowers facilitate pollinator health, and pollinators are essential to the success of their crops. Raffoul-Zahar keeps bees who feast on the nectar from these flowers and sells the honey they make at Souk El Tayeb. It is platforms like Souk El Tayeb that make traditional agriculture possible for farmers like the Zahars. Without such a central, communal market many producers might not have been able to get started or continue their endeavors. Empowering female entrepreneurs MP Najat Saliba, a professor of chemistry and former director of the American University of Beirut's Nature Conservation Center, who was elected to parliament in May 2022 as part of the anti-Hezbollah Taqaddom Party, writes in an email that "the private sector bears the burden of the corrupt [political] system." In Saliba's eyes, women, such as Raffoul-Zahar, at the helm of businesses are critical. They play the "pivotal role" of "sustaining society in the absence of a state." "In the context of Lebanon's economic and societal recovery," she explains. "Women have historically played a crucial role. The repeated waves of male emigration, driven by challenges in securing a decent living since the civil war, have left women in the country to fend for themselves in raising and safeguarding their families…and fostering prosperity." From these experiences, she goes on, "there exists a wealth of knowledge." Souk El Tayeb is a place to showcase this knowledge. Not only is it a vehicle of economic mobility and entrepreneurship but also a space to recognize female entrepreneurs by casting them as keepers of tradition and culture in the public sphere. Challenges: Corruption, climate, and conflict While Souk El Tayeb offers producers like the Zahars a platform, they still operate under a challenging politico-economic environment. Since 2019, Lebanon's public sector has "entirely collapsed," leaving many entrepreneurs to fend for themselves. At Bassatin Baanoub, "the water from the government, from the state, doesn't come because they don't have fuel to turn on the generators to send [it]." The Zahars now have to rely on the river at the bottom of the valley for their supply, which they must pay for generators to pump up to their terraced crops.Additionally, the Zahars are subject to climate variability. Decreased yearly rainfall, which the Lebanese Ministry of the Environment predicts will only worsen, can lead to a bad crop. "We don't buy [others' olive oil] to sell under our brand," Raffoul-Zahar says. So "if we don't have a good olive harvest, we don't have olive oil to sell that year." This past summer, the Zahars did not plant any vegetables or do floristry because the cost of growing exceeded the expected revenue. "You have to choose between watering the trees…or watering a tomato whose season is much shorter." To cope, they are turning their attention to exporting outside Lebanon, taking Souk El Tayeb's mission of cultural preservation beyond its borders. Their products, such as oregano and za'atar mix, are now sold in Dubai, France, and the UK. Though getting all the paperwork sorted poses an obstacle for wider export, diversifying outside Lebanon is providing the Zahars with more stability, much needed given that economic conditions in Lebanon show little sign of abating soon.Unfortunately, factors beyond the economic mayhem caused by government mismanagement are threatening the livelihoods of business owners. Israel's clashes with Hezbollah, spillover from the war in Gaza, have led to dangerous conditions for residents of southern Lebanon. MP Saliba writes that "many women residing in the southern regions, whose livelihoods are heavily reliant on agricultural crops such as olives and tobacco, find themselves compelled to abandon their fields due to safety concerns. Even if they successfully harvest their crops, the challenge lies in selling their products in light of the bomb shelling and the high risk of visiting the south." As of early January, Raffoul-Zahar and her husband have not yet been forced to relocate. However, they have been stocking up on supplies and keep a car handy at all times. "We see planes and missiles" and "hear some of the bombings," Raffoul-Zahar says. "I must admit to having had a look at survivalist tips…"Adaptability & persistence Despite the many existing challenges Raffoul-Zahar faces, she is not giving up. Nor are other Souk El Tayeb producers facing similar challenges, whether that be conflict in the south, bad growing conditions, or economic freefall. "There's this feeling of supporting each other…There is something very strong from the customers…Since the crisis many have left [and] now the ones who are left have to calculate every cost," but "the ones who still have the means make it a point to come."A testament to the close community of Souk El Tayeb, Abichaker and Raffoul-Zahar know each other. Abichaker sings Raffoul-Zahar's praises, calling her a "true" practitioner of organic agriculture who makes "excellent olive oil." Both agree that seeing vendors every week helps them feel bonded. Neither wants to leave Lebanon and each continues to innovate. In some ways, the farmers' market has been strengthened by the crisis, which has slowed imports and increased reliance on domestic agricultural production, something the World Bank considers "critical to mitigate the short-term risk related to food security" and "boost the local economy."Abichaker no longer "believe[s] in the supermarket model" that sells consumers "shitty products," makes "all the money, and [leaves sellers] with peanuts." Souk El Tayeb is an alternative model, one that prioritizes fair pricing, quality food, and earth-friendly production.For him, the importance of Souk El Tayeb goes beyond its immediate form. "Souk is a good prototype," he says. Now they are "ready to duplicate it in any city. I am practically on the management committee [of the farmers' market], they listen to my advice. We need to take this model to other cities." While he does not see more Souk El Tayeb farmers' markets opening up until the crisis "retreats a bit," he has hope for the future. "There are no perpetual crises." Once Lebanon regains some financial stability, more communities across the country can participate in the cultural exchange, heritage preservation, economic opportunity, and sustainable development that Souk El Tayeb facilitates and supports. Souk El Tayeb is an important blueprint: one that highlights the determination, commitment, ingenuity, and passion of producers and their clientele. Selling at Souk El Tayeb is not just about earning a living—it is about preserving Lebanon as a way to honor the past and for the sake of the future. Every Saturday, it proves the power of community.The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not express the official position of the Wilson Center.

"Many women residing in the southern regions, whose livelihoods are heavily reliant on agricultural crops such as olives and tobacco, find themselves compelled to abandon their fields due to safety concerns." Despite the all-consuming economic crisis impacting daily life in Lebanon, entrepreneurs of all ages are still determined to occupy the business scene. For a tight-knit community of producers, the Souk El Tayeb farmers' market is an eco-minded haven. It aims to provide sustainable and local products to the Beirut community. Doing so is about more than just helping the planet—it is integral to preserving heritage, forging connection, and ensuring environmental security.Souk El Tayeb, founded in 2004 by social entrepreneur Kamal Mouzawak, started as a farmers' market with the aim to protect and promote culinary tradition, support local communities, and encourage empowered livelihoods. Since then, it has expanded to include restaurants, community kitchens, and guest houses. The farmers' market continues to be a key instrument in their mission, each Saturday welcoming 65-70 vendors to Mar Mikhael, Beirut.At Souk El Tayeb, vendors sell everything from honey to glassware; each product a soldier in the fight to keep Lebanese farming, culinary tradition, and craftsmanship alive and flourishing. In turn, Souk El Tayeb becomes a place where new culture can bloom. Innovating tradition"This is our heritage. This is our identity. This is part of who we are as a society," Ziad Abichaker, sustainability expert, environment engineer, and CEO and founder of Cedar Environmental, a waste management company, affirms. The farmers' market is "a way to fight the globalist approach to food production" and to create more "wholesome food."Yasmina Raffoul-Zahar runs a stall selling olive oil, herbs, vegetables, and more from her organic farm Bassatin Baanoub in a remote valley south of Beirut. Eleven years ago, she and her husband, Jean-Pierre Zahar, embarked on restoring its 2,000-year-old olive grove."It happened almost by accident," she says, describing her journey to becoming a farmer. When they were living in the Czech Republic, her husband, a collector of old papers, came across a text about a patriarch of Jerusalem's land. After tracking down the land to a parcel along the Awali River, they left their careers in advertising and architecture, respectively, to commit full-time to Bassatin Baanoub. They had "no business plan," but "fell in love," and began working the earth before even signing their rental documents. Raffoul-Zahar explains that the olive grove likely dates back to the Roman era but had been abandoned since the outbreak of the civil war. Left unchecked, wild vegetation moved in and ate up the grove and surrounding terraces. Restoring the grove meant that some of those newcomers had to be removed. "You're somehow harming biodiversity because you're interfering," Raffoul-Zahar said. However, she leaves some areas of the farm untouched to balance preserving biodiversity and Lebanese farming traditions. Lebanon is home to 1.11% of the world's plant species despite occupying less than 0.01% of the world's land area, according to the Convention on Biodiversity. Of its approximately 2,600 terrestrial plant species, 96 are floral species listed as rare or threatened. The Zahars recognize the importance of maintaining local flora. They have 180 species at Bassatin Baanoub and try to allow flowers to bloom where they sprout. It is mutually beneficial to them and the earth: scattered flowers facilitate pollinator health, and pollinators are essential to the success of their crops. Raffoul-Zahar keeps bees who feast on the nectar from these flowers and sells the honey they make at Souk El Tayeb. It is platforms like Souk El Tayeb that make traditional agriculture possible for farmers like the Zahars. Without such a central, communal market many producers might not have been able to get started or continue their endeavors. Empowering female entrepreneurs MP Najat Saliba, a professor of chemistry and former director of the American University of Beirut's Nature Conservation Center, who was elected to parliament in May 2022 as part of the anti-Hezbollah Taqaddom Party, writes in an email that "the private sector bears the burden of the corrupt [political] system." In Saliba's eyes, women, such as Raffoul-Zahar, at the helm of businesses are critical. They play the "pivotal role" of "sustaining society in the absence of a state." "In the context of Lebanon's economic and societal recovery," she explains. "Women have historically played a crucial role. The repeated waves of male emigration, driven by challenges in securing a decent living since the civil war, have left women in the country to fend for themselves in raising and safeguarding their families…and fostering prosperity." From these experiences, she goes on, "there exists a wealth of knowledge." Souk El Tayeb is a place to showcase this knowledge. Not only is it a vehicle of economic mobility and entrepreneurship but also a space to recognize female entrepreneurs by casting them as keepers of tradition and culture in the public sphere. Challenges: Corruption, climate, and conflict While Souk El Tayeb offers producers like the Zahars a platform, they still operate under a challenging politico-economic environment. Since 2019, Lebanon's public sector has "entirely collapsed," leaving many entrepreneurs to fend for themselves. At Bassatin Baanoub, "the water from the government, from the state, doesn't come because they don't have fuel to turn on the generators to send [it]." The Zahars now have to rely on the river at the bottom of the valley for their supply, which they must pay for generators to pump up to their terraced crops.Additionally, the Zahars are subject to climate variability. Decreased yearly rainfall, which the Lebanese Ministry of the Environment predicts will only worsen, can lead to a bad crop. "We don't buy [others' olive oil] to sell under our brand," Raffoul-Zahar says. So "if we don't have a good olive harvest, we don't have olive oil to sell that year." This past summer, the Zahars did not plant any vegetables or do floristry because the cost of growing exceeded the expected revenue. "You have to choose between watering the trees…or watering a tomato whose season is much shorter." To cope, they are turning their attention to exporting outside Lebanon, taking Souk El Tayeb's mission of cultural preservation beyond its borders. Their products, such as oregano and za'atar mix, are now sold in Dubai, France, and the UK. Though getting all the paperwork sorted poses an obstacle for wider export, diversifying outside Lebanon is providing the Zahars with more stability, much needed given that economic conditions in Lebanon show little sign of abating soon.Unfortunately, factors beyond the economic mayhem caused by government mismanagement are threatening the livelihoods of business owners. Israel's clashes with Hezbollah, spillover from the war in Gaza, have led to dangerous conditions for residents of southern Lebanon. MP Saliba writes that "many women residing in the southern regions, whose livelihoods are heavily reliant on agricultural crops such as olives and tobacco, find themselves compelled to abandon their fields due to safety concerns. Even if they successfully harvest their crops, the challenge lies in selling their products in light of the bomb shelling and the high risk of visiting the south." As of early January, Raffoul-Zahar and her husband have not yet been forced to relocate. However, they have been stocking up on supplies and keep a car handy at all times. "We see planes and missiles" and "hear some of the bombings," Raffoul-Zahar says. "I must admit to having had a look at survivalist tips…"Adaptability & persistence Despite the many existing challenges Raffoul-Zahar faces, she is not giving up. Nor are other Souk El Tayeb producers facing similar challenges, whether that be conflict in the south, bad growing conditions, or economic freefall. "There's this feeling of supporting each other…There is something very strong from the customers…Since the crisis many have left [and] now the ones who are left have to calculate every cost," but "the ones who still have the means make it a point to come."A testament to the close community of Souk El Tayeb, Abichaker and Raffoul-Zahar know each other. Abichaker sings Raffoul-Zahar's praises, calling her a "true" practitioner of organic agriculture who makes "excellent olive oil." Both agree that seeing vendors every week helps them feel bonded. Neither wants to leave Lebanon and each continues to innovate. In some ways, the farmers' market has been strengthened by the crisis, which has slowed imports and increased reliance on domestic agricultural production, something the World Bank considers "critical to mitigate the short-term risk related to food security" and "boost the local economy."Abichaker no longer "believe[s] in the supermarket model" that sells consumers "shitty products," makes "all the money, and [leaves sellers] with peanuts." Souk El Tayeb is an alternative model, one that prioritizes fair pricing, quality food, and earth-friendly production.For him, the importance of Souk El Tayeb goes beyond its immediate form. "Souk is a good prototype," he says. Now they are "ready to duplicate it in any city. I am practically on the management committee [of the farmers' market], they listen to my advice. We need to take this model to other cities." While he does not see more Souk El Tayeb farmers' markets opening up until the crisis "retreats a bit," he has hope for the future. "There are no perpetual crises." Once Lebanon regains some financial stability, more communities across the country can participate in the cultural exchange, heritage preservation, economic opportunity, and sustainable development that Souk El Tayeb facilitates and supports. Souk El Tayeb is an important blueprint: one that highlights the determination, commitment, ingenuity, and passion of producers and their clientele. Selling at Souk El Tayeb is not just about earning a living—it is about preserving Lebanon as a way to honor the past and for the sake of the future. Every Saturday, it proves the power of community.The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not express the official position of the Wilson Center.

Researched the history of the domestic system of awards celebration honors the practice of the twenties of the twentieth century to the period of Great Patriotic War and including, its content and documented framework. The practice of distributing honorary titles in the Ukrainian SSR award system was first mentioned in early 1920's. In the new law on public education in the Ukrainian SSR the third section titled "On honorary titles distribution" was dedicated to this issue. And it was for the first time that the practice of awarding honorary titles, which was an absolute novelty in the world phaleristic practice, was mentioned in the national awards system. The practice of awarding honorary titles did not stay solely on paper - almost immediately it began to be implemented. Among the first recipients were the outstanding figures of Ukrainian art, which was intended to demonstrate communist government's concern for its development. From the very start awarding an honorary title was not a purely moral encouragement. It also included substantial material benefits. Established procedure for awarding is clearly traced in archival documents. It also reflects the growing prestige of being awarded an honorary title, which is proved in the text of award justification, which carefully lists merits of a candidate and makes a recommendation. It should also be noted that the awarding ceremony was preceded by a series of mandatory preliminary documents without which the award could not occur and their number increased steadily, indicating the complexity of the procedure. The principal document among them was a profile review by People's Commissariat, which had to contain candidate's extremely detailed merit list for awarding the honorary title.1934 was a turning point in the process of formalization and improvement of the awarding honorary titles practice. From that time the process was clearly outline in the legal field and became established and well formalized in all respects. On January 13, 1934 a joint resolution of the Central Executive Committee and Sovnarkom of the Ukrainian SSR concerning honorary titles distributed to workers of science, technology and art was adopted in Kharkov. That marked the beginning of a qualitatively new stage in the process of awarding honorary degrees, and significantly expanded the number of people who could be awarded (adding figures of culture, workers in the areas of science and technology). An important innovation in the ceremony was the introduction of a compulsory length of work experience for awarded artists, which was a positive factor in view of the significant reduction of subjective factors. But the most fundamental innovation was determining a more precise course for the awarding process, which also helped to significantly decrease of the subjective factor. The next stage of the awarding honorary titles practice fell on the tumultuous years of the Great Patriotic War. Awarding honorary titles of the Ukrainian SSR during the Great Patriotic War is one of the most interesting chapters in the history of the national award system. In this manner the true heroism of our people in the struggle against the Nazi invaders came to light. Even during the tough period of the most terrible war in human history the awards and honors continued to be awarded, and the award system practice was constantly developing and improving. It showed the indomitable spirit of our people in the struggle for liberation of their native land and its orientation to the future. To make a historical analogy, this fact can be compared with the famous military parade on Red Square in November 1941, during the German attack on Moscow, which showed indomitable spirit of the people during the most difficult trials. But in addition to the regular awards, the system of awarding system (including the honorary titles practice) was also actively developing. The adoption of the Decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the Ukrainian SSR to establish the title People's Artist of the Ukrainian SSR on 11 October 1943, shortly before the liberation of the Ukrainian capital was quite demonstrative. It is significant, that the issue of honorary titles was finally sorted and carefully normalized to the smallest detail in the days of WWII. This can be explained by several factors of which we need to distinguish two determining ones. In the first place there is a factor of empowering national spirit to achieve the ultimate victory. It was a demonstration that even during the war, the country was developing in all spheres and its outstanding people received proper appreciation by the state. On September 26, 1944 a Resolution of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the Ukrainian SSR to approve the Regulation regarding the honorary titles of the Ukrainian SSR was adopted. The Regulation clearly defined a standardized order for awarding all, without exception, existing honors at the time. According to the established new order, honors were assigned after being presented to the national commissioners and the Department of Arts at the Council of Commissars of the Ukrainian SSR. In general, one may conclude that during the Great Patriotic War, the practice of awarding honorary titles has been instrumental in the patriotic empowerment of the population of Soviet Ukraine in the fight against the Nazi invaders. It was equally important for the development of Ukrainian awards system, that the practice of awarding honorary titles had finally gained legal regimentation during the Great Patriotic War, for it marked a milestone in the awards system of all of Ukraine ; Исследовано историю развития в отечественной наградной системе практики награждении почетными званиями с двадцатых годов ХХ века до периода Великой Отечественной войны включительно, ее содержание и документально-правовую базу ; Досліджено історію розвитку у вітчизняній нагородній системі практики відзначення почесними званнями з двадцятих років ХХ сторіччя до періоду Великої Вітчизняної війни включно, її зміст і документально-правову базу.

The scientific article reveals the main content of the philosophical discussions that unfold in the first half of the 20th century among Russian theoreticians connected with the evaluation of the consequences of the cultural revolution for the further development of human society and the world cultural process. Supporters of the cultural revolution, this process are considering as a civilizational breakthrough, which qualitatively changes both the person himself and society as a whole. Considering the cultural revolution as a civilizational breakthrough, as a struggle between two antagonistic worlds, M.I. Bukharin argued that this struggle permeates all spheres of social life, science, art, philosophy, destroys the old way of life, changes all customary and traditional relations. He believes that the material struggle of classes turns into a great struggle between two cultures, two worldviews, into a great struggle of ideologies. A. Lunacharsky, reflecting on the creative potential of man, notes that during revolutionary processes a person perceives himself not a cog in the social mechanism, but a creator who has endless possibilities and strives for personal integral development. Opponents of the cultural revolution interpret the offensive of the revolution as a civilizational breakthrough that will lead humanity to barbarity and destruction of the spiritual heritage created by mankind in previous centuries. N. Berdyaev defended the public superiority of culture. He believed that it is culture that determines the goals of society, the higher the qualitative level of culture, the higher the value and quality of society. Philosopher was skeptical of attempts to create a new proletarian educational and cultural space and noted that a new culture can not be created without a hereditary connection with the past culture, without respect for the cultural heritage of ancestors. G. Lelevich very critically evaluated the activities of the Bolsheviks in education and culture. He believed that behind any cultural process, according to Marxists, is the struggle of classes, parties, ideologies, which determines the social dynamics of culture, the value hierarchy of cultural forms, the individual positions of cultural figures. Thus, cultural analysis is transformed into a social and political analysis of culture and cultural activities, leads to the search for class enemies or allies in culture, determines the political orientation of cultural figures Through the prism of these discussions, one can see the process of the formation of a new scale of values by destroying the value foundations of bourgeois society, the formation of ideological control over culture, which deprives it of the freedom of creativity and self-expression. The analysis of philosophical views and reflections on the civilizational consequences of the so-called cultural revolution reveals a whole palette of different assessments of cultural processes from progressive and necessary to threatening and destructive, allows us to see the alternatives of these positions, to rethink the consequences of the cultural revolution from the point of view of changes in the civilizational paradigm of world cultural processes.Keywords: cultural revolution, civilizational breakthrough, cultural heritage, values, culture, art. ; У науковій статті розкривається основний зміст філософських дискусій, які розгорнулися у першій половині ХХ століття серед російських теоретиків і були пов'язані з оцінкою наслідків культурної революції для подальшого розвитку людського суспільства та світового культурного процесу. Прибічниками культурної революції цей процес розглядається як цивілізиційний прорив, який якісно змінить як саму людину, так й суспільство у цілому. Противники культурної революції трактують наступ революції як цивілізаційний злам, який приведе людство до варварства та руйнування духовної спадщини, яка була створена людством у попередні століття. Через призму цих дискусій можна побачити процес формування нової шкали цінностей шляхом руйнації ціннісних засад буржуазного суспільства, встановлення ідеологічного контролю над культурою, що позбавляє її свободи творчості та самовираження. Аналіз філософських поглядів і міркувань щодо цивілізаційних наслідків так званої «культурної революції» розкриває цілу палітру різних оцінок культурних процесів від прогресивних й необхідних до загрозливих й руйнівних і дозволяє побачити альтернативність цих позицій, осмислити наслідки «культурної революції» з точки зору змін у цивілізаційній парадигмі світових культурних процесів.Ключові слова: культурна революція, цивілізаційний прорив, культурна спадщина, цінності, культура, мистецтво. В научной статье раскрывается основное содержание философских дискуссий, которые разворачиваются в первой половине ХХ столетия среди российских теоретиков, связанных с оценкой последствий культурной революции для дальнейшего развития человеческого общества и мирового культурного процесса. Сторонниками культурной революции этот процесс рассматривается как цивилизационный прорыв, который качественно меняет как самого человека, так и общество в целом. Противники культурной революции трактуют наступление революции как цивилизационный перелом, который приведет человечество к варварству и уничтожению духовного наследия, созданного человечеством за предыдущие столетия. Через призму этих дискуссий можно увидеть процесс формирования новой шкалы ценностей путем разрушения ценностных основ буржуазного общества, становления идеологического контроля над культурой, что лишает ее свободы творчества и самовыражения. Анализ философских взглядов и размышлений о цивилизационных последствиях так называемой культурной революции раскрывают целую палитру различных оценок культурных процессов от прогрессивных и необходимых до угрожающих и разрушительных, позволяет увидеть альтернативность этих позиций, переосмыслить последствия культурной революции с точки зрения изменений в цивилизационной парадигме мировых культурных процессов.Ключевые слова: культурная революция, цивилизационный прорыв, культурное наследие, ценности, культура, искусство. The scientific article reveals the main content of the philosophical discussions that unfold in the first half of the 20th century among Russian theoreticians connected with the evaluation of the consequences of the cultural revolution for the further development of human society and the world cultural process. Supporters of the cultural revolution, this process are considering as a civilizational breakthrough, which qualitatively changes both the person himself and society as a whole. Considering the cultural revolution as a civilizational breakthrough, as a struggle between two antagonistic worlds, M.I. Bukharin argued that this struggle permeates all spheres of social life, science, art, philosophy, destroys the old way of life, changes all customary and traditional relations. He believes that the material struggle of classes turns into a great struggle between two cultures, two worldviews, into a great struggle of ideologies. A. Lunacharsky, reflecting on the creative potential of man, notes that during revolutionary processes a person perceives himself not a cog in the social mechanism, but a creator who has endless possibilities and strives for personal integral development. Opponents of the cultural revolution interpret the offensive of the revolution as a civilizational breakthrough that will lead humanity to barbarity and destruction of the spiritual heritage created by mankind in previous centuries. N. Berdyaev defended the public superiority of culture. He believed that it is culture that determines the goals of society, the higher the qualitative level of culture, the higher the value and quality of society. Philosopher was skeptical of attempts to create a new proletarian educational and cultural space and noted that a new culture can not be created without a hereditary connection with the past culture, without respect for the cultural heritage of ancestors. G. Lelevich very critically evaluated the activities of the Bolsheviks in education and culture. He believed that behind any cultural process, according to Marxists, is the struggle of classes, parties, ideologies, which determines the social dynamics of culture, the value hierarchy of cultural forms, the individual positions of cultural figures. Thus, cultural analysis is transformed into a social and political analysis of culture and cultural activities, leads to the search for class enemies or allies in culture, determines the political orientation of cultural figures Through the prism of these discussions, one can see the process of the formation of a new scale of values by destroying the value foundations of bourgeois society, the formation of ideological control over culture, which deprives it of the freedom of creativity and self-expression. The analysis of philosophical views and reflections on the civilizational consequences of the so-called cultural revolution reveals a whole palette of different assessments of cultural processes from progressive and necessary to threatening and destructive, allows us to see the alternatives of these positions, to rethink the consequences of the cultural revolution from the point of view of changes in the civilizational paradigm of world cultural processes.Keywords: cultural revolution, civilizational breakthrough, cultural heritage, values, culture, art.

The issue of representing interests of national minorities in the political sphere is relevant for Ukraine as a multi-ethnic state. The Polish minority stands out among others considering the nature of the Ukrainian-Polish relations in the past and under the current conditions. Therefore, the analysis of the representation of the Polish community in local government of Ukraine, particularly in Zhytomyr region where the largest community of Poles lives, has an essential scientific and practical significance.The research of the political representation of Poles in Zhytomyr region began in September 2015 when prof. Slawomir Lodzinski (Institute of Sociology, University of Warsaw) and associate professor Serhii Rudnytskyi (Zhytomyr Ivan Franko State University) launched the international research seminar "Representation of National Minorities at the Local Level – Poles in Ukraine and Ukrainians in Poland".In the 2015- 2016 academic year, the participants of the seminar from Ukraine aimed at investigating activities of the Polish minority in selected areas of Zhytomyr region (taking into account the specifics of the socio-psychological faculty) and identifying its psychological determinants. Several locations in Zhytomyr region, where the Polish minority lives and/or which are characterized by activities in social and political life of the given settlement, were chosen for a study The research was related to Poles/persons of Polish origin in local government of the given locality.With regard to the political part of the research of the Ukrainian participants of the seminar, the study of 2015 turned out to have little effect. In the course of the research, the activity of the leaders of the Polish community, as well as the political activity of persons from the Polish national minority, were recorded in all localities under consideration at the level of local government.In the 2016–2017 academic year participants of the seminar changed. Bearing in mind experience of the previous year, the study became of a purely political nature. All works (with the exception of the research related to institutes representing the interests of the Polish minority at the regional level) were focused on revealing deputies of the Polish origin in local government bodies of Zhytomyr region, their links with the local Polish community and its institutions (primarily, with public organizations) and with all-Ukrainian political forces. Attention was drawn to the ties between ethnicity, the election campaign, and canvassing.Two works did not bring any new information on the political representation of the Poles in Zhytomyr region. The first one, which was devoted to associations representing the interests of the Polish national minority in Zhytomyr region, was more like a desk review. The second one, concerning the program documents of the candidates for deputy of the district councils of the Zhytomyr region who have Polish origin, was merely a methodology for studying documents by methods of mathematical statistics and did not include the results of empirical research.Two other works, dedicated to the participants of the local government in Zhytomyr region, provided new information on the political representation of the Polish minority at the local level. S. Chuprina in her work on deputies of the Polish origin of Berdychiv City Council found that some of the deputies of Berdychiv City Council are of Polish origin. The activity of one of the deputies is connected with the Polish social and cultural activities, namely with the Polish-language radio in Berdychiv, popular and scientific activity, the rebirth of the Polish cemetery in the city, and the initiative to create a museum of the Polish culture in Berdychiv.Yu. Vonsovych while studying the connection between the ethnic origin of deputies of Polish origin of Zhytomyr City Council with their electoral programs, found out that some of the deputies have Polish origin, which is understood and referred in various ways ("Polish origin", "Polish nationality", "Polish roots" ). There are also deputies who declare themselves Poles who have participated in projects of the Polish community which were aimed at its development. ; The issue of representing interests of national minorities in the political sphere is relevant for Ukraine as a multi-ethnic state. The Polish minority stands out among others considering the nature of the Ukrainian-Polish relations in the past and under the current conditions. Therefore, the analysis of the representation of the Polish community in local government of Ukraine, particularly in Zhytomyr region where the largest community of Poles lives, has an essential scientific and practical significance.The research of the political representation of Poles in Zhytomyr region began in September 2015 when prof. Slawomir Lodzinski (Institute of Sociology, University of Warsaw) and associate professor Serhii Rudnytskyi (Zhytomyr Ivan Franko State University) launched the international research seminar "Representation of National Minorities at the Local Level – Poles in Ukraine and Ukrainians in Poland".In the 2015- 2016 academic year, the participants of the seminar from Ukraine aimed at investigating activities of the Polish minority in selected areas of Zhytomyr region (taking into account the specifics of the socio-psychological faculty) and identifying its psychological determinants. Several locations in Zhytomyr region, where the Polish minority lives and/or which are characterized by activities in social and political life of the given settlement, were chosen for a study The research was related to Poles/persons of Polish origin in local government of the given locality.With regard to the political part of the research of the Ukrainian participants of the seminar, the study of 2015 turned out to have little effect. In the course of the research, the activity of the leaders of the Polish community, as well as the political activity of persons from the Polish national minority, were recorded in all localities under consideration at the level of local government.In the 2016–2017 academic year participants of the seminar changed. Bearing in mind experience of the previous year, the study became of a purely political nature. All works (with the exception of the research related to institutes representing the interests of the Polish minority at the regional level) were focused on revealing deputies of the Polish origin in local government bodies of Zhytomyr region, their links with the local Polish community and its institutions (primarily, with public organizations) and with all-Ukrainian political forces. Attention was drawn to the ties between ethnicity, the election campaign, and canvassing.Two works did not bring any new information on the political representation of the Poles in Zhytomyr region. The first one, which was devoted to associations representing the interests of the Polish national minority in Zhytomyr region, was more like a desk review. The second one, concerning the program documents of the candidates for deputy of the district councils of the Zhytomyr region who have Polish origin, was merely a methodology for studying documents by methods of mathematical statistics and did not include the results of empirical research.Two other works, dedicated to the participants of the local government in Zhytomyr region, provided new information on the political representation of the Polish minority at the local level. S. Chuprina in her work on deputies of the Polish origin of Berdychiv City Council found that some of the deputies of Berdychiv City Council are of Polish origin. The activity of one of the deputies is connected with the Polish social and cultural activities, namely with the Polish-language radio in Berdychiv, popular and scientific activity, the rebirth of the Polish cemetery in the city, and the initiative to create a museum of the Polish culture in Berdychiv.Yu. Vonsovych while studying the connection between the ethnic origin of deputies of Polish origin of Zhytomyr City Council with their electoral programs, found out that some of the deputies have Polish origin, which is understood and referred in various ways ("Polish origin", "Polish nationality", "Polish roots" ). There are also deputies who declare themselves Poles who have participated in projects of the Polish community which were aimed at its development.

The issue of representing interests of national minorities in the political sphere is relevant for Ukraine as a multi-ethnic state. The Polish minority stands out among others considering the nature of the Ukrainian-Polish relations in the past and under the current conditions. Therefore, the analysis of the representation of the Polish community in local government of Ukraine, particularly in Zhytomyr region where the largest community of Poles lives, has an essential scientific and practical significance.The research of the political representation of Poles in Zhytomyr region began in September 2015 when prof. Slawomir Lodzinski (Institute of Sociology, University of Warsaw) and associate professor Serhii Rudnytskyi (Zhytomyr Ivan Franko State University) launched the international research seminar "Representation of National Minorities at the Local Level – Poles in Ukraine and Ukrainians in Poland".In the 2015- 2016 academic year, the participants of the seminar from Ukraine aimed at investigating activities of the Polish minority in selected areas of Zhytomyr region (taking into account the specifics of the socio-psychological faculty) and identifying its psychological determinants. Several locations in Zhytomyr region, where the Polish minority lives and/or which are characterized by activities in social and political life of the given settlement, were chosen for a study The research was related to Poles/persons of Polish origin in local government of the given locality.With regard to the political part of the research of the Ukrainian participants of the seminar, the study of 2015 turned out to have little effect. In the course of the research, the activity of the leaders of the Polish community, as well as the political activity of persons from the Polish national minority, were recorded in all localities under consideration at the level of local government.In the 2016–2017 academic year participants of the seminar changed. Bearing in mind experience of the previous year, the study became of a purely political nature. All works (with the exception of the research related to institutes representing the interests of the Polish minority at the regional level) were focused on revealing deputies of the Polish origin in local government bodies of Zhytomyr region, their links with the local Polish community and its institutions (primarily, with public organizations) and with all-Ukrainian political forces. Attention was drawn to the ties between ethnicity, the election campaign, and canvassing.Two works did not bring any new information on the political representation of the Poles in Zhytomyr region. The first one, which was devoted to associations representing the interests of the Polish national minority in Zhytomyr region, was more like a desk review. The second one, concerning the program documents of the candidates for deputy of the district councils of the Zhytomyr region who have Polish origin, was merely a methodology for studying documents by methods of mathematical statistics and did not include the results of empirical research.Two other works, dedicated to the participants of the local government in Zhytomyr region, provided new information on the political representation of the Polish minority at the local level. S. Chuprina in her work on deputies of the Polish origin of Berdychiv City Council found that some of the deputies of Berdychiv City Council are of Polish origin. The activity of one of the deputies is connected with the Polish social and cultural activities, namely with the Polish-language radio in Berdychiv, popular and scientific activity, the rebirth of the Polish cemetery in the city, and the initiative to create a museum of the Polish culture in Berdychiv.Yu. Vonsovych while studying the connection between the ethnic origin of deputies of Polish origin of Zhytomyr City Council with their electoral programs, found out that some of the deputies have Polish origin, which is understood and referred in various ways ("Polish origin", "Polish nationality", "Polish roots" ). There are also deputies who declare themselves Poles who have participated in projects of the Polish community which were aimed at its development. ; The issue of representing interests of national minorities in the political sphere is relevant for Ukraine as a multi-ethnic state. The Polish minority stands out among others considering the nature of the Ukrainian-Polish relations in the past and under the current conditions. Therefore, the analysis of the representation of the Polish community in local government of Ukraine, particularly in Zhytomyr region where the largest community of Poles lives, has an essential scientific and practical significance.The research of the political representation of Poles in Zhytomyr region began in September 2015 when prof. Slawomir Lodzinski (Institute of Sociology, University of Warsaw) and associate professor Serhii Rudnytskyi (Zhytomyr Ivan Franko State University) launched the international research seminar "Representation of National Minorities at the Local Level – Poles in Ukraine and Ukrainians in Poland".In the 2015- 2016 academic year, the participants of the seminar from Ukraine aimed at investigating activities of the Polish minority in selected areas of Zhytomyr region (taking into account the specifics of the socio-psychological faculty) and identifying its psychological determinants. Several locations in Zhytomyr region, where the Polish minority lives and/or which are characterized by activities in social and political life of the given settlement, were chosen for a study The research was related to Poles/persons of Polish origin in local government of the given locality.With regard to the political part of the research of the Ukrainian participants of the seminar, the study of 2015 turned out to have little effect. In the course of the research, the activity of the leaders of the Polish community, as well as the political activity of persons from the Polish national minority, were recorded in all localities under consideration at the level of local government.In the 2016–2017 academic year participants of the seminar changed. Bearing in mind experience of the previous year, the study became of a purely political nature. All works (with the exception of the research related to institutes representing the interests of the Polish minority at the regional level) were focused on revealing deputies of the Polish origin in local government bodies of Zhytomyr region, their links with the local Polish community and its institutions (primarily, with public organizations) and with all-Ukrainian political forces. Attention was drawn to the ties between ethnicity, the election campaign, and canvassing.Two works did not bring any new information on the political representation of the Poles in Zhytomyr region. The first one, which was devoted to associations representing the interests of the Polish national minority in Zhytomyr region, was more like a desk review. The second one, concerning the program documents of the candidates for deputy of the district councils of the Zhytomyr region who have Polish origin, was merely a methodology for studying documents by methods of mathematical statistics and did not include the results of empirical research.Two other works, dedicated to the participants of the local government in Zhytomyr region, provided new information on the political representation of the Polish minority at the local level. S. Chuprina in her work on deputies of the Polish origin of Berdychiv City Council found that some of the deputies of Berdychiv City Council are of Polish origin. The activity of one of the deputies is connected with the Polish social and cultural activities, namely with the Polish-language radio in Berdychiv, popular and scientific activity, the rebirth of the Polish cemetery in the city, and the initiative to create a museum of the Polish culture in Berdychiv.Yu. Vonsovych while studying the connection between the ethnic origin of deputies of Polish origin of Zhytomyr City Council with their electoral programs, found out that some of the deputies have Polish origin, which is understood and referred in various ways ("Polish origin", "Polish nationality", "Polish roots" ). There are also deputies who declare themselves Poles who have participated in projects of the Polish community which were aimed at its development.