Suchergebnisse

Si l'inspiration initiale des marxismes conduisait à rendre la religion à sa référence sociale et à briser le bloc théologico-politique, le marxisme stalinien a abouti à l'érection de la doctrine en religion laïque. La dissolution de cette sacralisation conduit à une problématique de la laïcité opposant aux religions du pouvoir, les effets impolitiques des religions.

With the occurrence of the French Revolution in 1789, Catholicism was replaced by secularized religion. Maximilien Robespierre, a French revolutionary and politician, was a key figure in the transition into secularized religion that followed revolutionary politics. Robespierre's creation of an edict for the establishment of the "Cult of the Supreme Being," a secularized religion, created a new form of using political power through religion. This new religion took traditional Catholic structures, such as ceremonies and festivals, as a form of political propaganda and power. This presentation on Robespierre's "Decree on the Supreme Being" (1794) argues that this new form of national religion still maintained some critical aspects of traditional Catholicism.

Cover Page -- Dedication -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- Notes on Contributors -- Acknowledgements -- Introduction What is Right for Children? -- PART I CHILDREN'S RIGHTS AS HUMAN RIGHTS -- 1 The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child: Empowering Parents to Protect Their Children's Rights -- 2 Child, Family, State, and Gender Equality in Religious Stances and Human Rights Instruments: A Preliminary Comparison -- 3 Rhetoric, Religion, and Human Rights: "Save the Children!" -- 4 Feminist Fundamentalism on the Frontier between Government and Family Responsibility for Children -- PART II CHILDREN IN THE UNITED STATES: THE LEGAL CONTEXT -- 5 Using International Human Rights Law in US Courts: Lessons from the Campaign Against the Juvenile Death Penalty -- 6 The Lesser Culpability of the Juvenile Offender: Trial in Adult Criminal Court, Incarceration with Adults, and Excessive Sanctions -- 7 Parental Rights Doctrine: Creating and Maintaining Maternal Value -- 8 Placing Children in Context: Parents, Foster Care, and Poverty -- 9 Expanding the Parent–Child–State Triangle in Public Family Law: The Role of Private Providers -- 10 Advocating for Children's Rights in a Lawless Nation: Articulating Rights for Foster Children -- 11 A Proposal for Collaborative Enforcement of a Federal Right to Education -- 12 Taking Children's Interests Seriously -- PART III COMPARISONS: CHILDREN WITHIN THE CONTEXT OF HUMAN RIGHTS -- 13 The Child's Right to Religious Freedom in International Law: The Search for Meaning -- 14 Clashing Rights and Welfare: A Return to a Rights Discourse in Family Law in the UK? -- 15 Accommodating Children's Religious Expression in Public Schools: A Comparative Analysis of the Veil and Other Symbols in Western Democracies

32 páginas ; El presente texto estudia cómo ha evolucionado una parte del discurso de la Corte Constitucional colombiana en materia de religión. Para lo anterior, se presenta el rol transformador del derecho como categoría analítica que permite definir el alcance de tal discurso en virtud de los cambios sociales, políticos y jurídicos que surgieron con la Constitución Política de 1991. Al estudiar las decisiones jurisprudenciales más destacadas sobre el tema, se encuentra que estas no desarrollan la religión como criterio sospechoso de discriminación a pesar del reconocimiento constitucional otorgado en el artículo 13 de la Carta Política. Transversalmente, se pretende mostrar el potencial poder político de la religión en la narrativa constitucional colombiana. ; This article looks into how part of the Colombian Constitutional Court's dis-course on religion has developed. To determine the reach of this discourse, the transformative role of law is studied as a category of analysis because of the significant social, political, and legal changes that arose from the Constitu-tion of 1991. Moreover, it was found that the most notable case-law verdicts of the Constitutional Court do not elaborate on religion as a cause for discrimi-nation, despite its recognition by Article 13 of the Constitution. Overall, the purpose is to reveal the political potential of religion in Colombian's consti-tutional narrative.

This article explores the emergent politics of the 21st century through an analysis of the interactions of media and religion in these relations. It argues that to fully understand the dynamics underlying the new forms of populism emerging across the globe, it is necessary to account for them as movements of religious nationalism encompassing race, gender, and nostalgia, made possible by modern media imaginaries. The article argues that disciplined and substantive work on religion remains a lacuna within media and cultural studies, and that its explorations provide an example of how such work could address this critical gap. It concludes by suggesting a specific theoretical approach rooted in its consideration of relations of religion and media: that we think of media texts that circulate in these discourses of religious nationalism as "affective infrastructures" that do important work in making unstable and contradictory imaginaries possible and weaponizing them to political purpose.