Suchergebnisse

Black America in 1970 was weary and frustrated. Old targets of its assaults on racial injustice were becoming more elusive and were changing their shapes through disguises. Demonstrations for pure civil rights causes resulted in fewer concessions. Charismatic black leaders, once able to stir the national conscience almost at will, had gone to the mountaintop. Riots had proved ruinous. Rhetoric was boring. The voices of old allies were raised in eulogy of "the movement."Cynicism enveloped black America like a fog, so sure were blacks that they had been placed near the bottom of the list of national priorities. For blacks knew that their aspirations remained unfulfilled, and they knew that minority participation in the affairs of the nation was still circumscribed by a variety of hostile forces. Not the least of the latter was the notion in white America that judicial pronouncements and legislation of the sixties had lifted the black man's burden; that it was time to back away from black programs and turn with some urgency to "business as usual."

Washington's present community property regime, with the major exception of the 1972 amendments, has remained largely unchanged in its basic structure since enactment by the territorial legislature in 1879. The statutes, in two separate sections, provide that property and pecuniary rights owned by each spouse at the time of marriage, any property thereafter acquired lucratively, and the rents, issues and profits therefrom constitute separate property. All property acquired after marriage which is not separate property is community property. With the 1972 changes now in effect, each spouse has equal management power over the community property. Each spouse has a general inter vivos power to dispose of the community personal property, but neither alone can acquire, convey, or encumber community real property, convey or encumber community household goods, or purchase or transfer community business assets in some situations. Each spouse may devise or bequeath his or her half of the community property and may deal in all respects with his or her separate property as if unmarried.

Black America in 1970 was weary and frustrated. Old targets of its assaults on racial injustice were becoming more elusive and were changing their shapes through disguises. Demonstrations for pure civil rights causes resulted in fewer concessions. Charismatic black leaders, once able to stir the national conscience almost at will, had gone to the mountaintop. Riots had proved ruinous. Rhetoric was boring. The voices of old allies were raised in eulogy of "the movement."Cynicism enveloped black America like a fog, so sure were blacks that they had been placed near the bottom of the list of national priorities. For blacks knew that their aspirations remained unfulfilled, and they knew that minority participation in the affairs of the nation was still circumscribed by a variety of hostile forces. Not the least of the latter was the notion in white America that judicial pronouncements and legislation of the sixties had lifted the black man's burden; that it was time to back away from black programs and turn with some urgency to "business as usual."

Although it is of importance for any understanding of the Peronist regime as a whole, little is known in detail about the social character of the popular support upon which the regime was based. This state of affairs is not as paradoxical as it might at first seem. In part it is a reflection of the fact that the continued political importance of the Peronist movement has meant that until recently the debate over Peronism has been polemical in nature and that opportunities for dispassionate analysis have been correspondingly restricted. For example, to apologists for Peronism, the popular support that it enjoyed is evidence merely that it represented a profound revolution in social and economic priorities which was fully understood and appreciated by the people themselves. To its detractors it is evidence of little more than the manipulation of the ignorant, corruption of the venal, and coercion of the educated. To both groups it has been a premise for further argument rather than an object worthy of study in its own right.

The conversion of multiple regression analysis to discriminant analysis is not only of theoretical interest, but—in view of the extensive use of these methods in political science—it also has considerable value for applications. It is the purpose of this presentation to explain the underlying theoretical relationship and to demonstrate its application in the form of an example chosen from the judicial process. Specifically, the Supreme Court's acceptance or rejection of the fact that the defendant was not advised of his right to counsel in an involuntary confession case is considered as a function of the appearance, nonappearance, or denial of the fact in lower court records and appellate briefs. Since the acceptance or rejection of the fact by the Supreme Court is a dichotomous dependent variable, discriminant analysis is appropriate. It is shown in this study how discriminant analysis can be employed by initially using regression analysis, not only in the example presented for illustration, but in any situation in which a phenomenon with dichotomous manifestations may be examined as a function of specified variables.

THE WARY WRITER COVERS HIMSELF IN ADVANCE AS BEST HE CAN against the most obvious lines of criticism. Let me say, therefore, that this article is not intended to break, or even blunt, a lance in the methodology debate of comparative politics, nor is it put forward as a contribution in its own right to the science of comparative politics. The intention is much simpler. I want to argue that there are practical forms of comparison which the political scientist can use when in a less than scientific mood and that useful ends can be served by such practical activity. What is offered here, then, is a series of personal reflections and no more. To prevent the appearance of scholarly intent, scholarly reference to the literature has been avoided. A plausible argument to forestall the critic, but probably sensible, is that the case for an unsophisticated approach to comparative politics should be presented in an unsophisticated way. Put another way, it may be that to be practical one should sometimes be naive.

A. DOWNS' SPATIAL MODEL OF POLITICS (AN ECONOMIC THEORY OF DEMOCRACY, NEW YORK, NY: HARPER & ROW, 1957) PROVIDES AN ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK FOR THE INTERPRETATION OF POLITICAL PROCESSES IN COLOMBIA. ORGANIZATIONAL LEADERS ON DISTRICT, NATIONAL, & NEIGHBORHOOD LEVELS FROM 4 POLITICAL GROUPS WERE ASKED TO RATE 8 ALTERNATIVE FACTIONS ON ORDER OF PREFERABILITY. COLOMBIAN POLITICS IS DOMINATED BY LIBERAL-CONSERVATIVE HOSTILITY WITHIN A SYSTEM WHICH TYPES INDIVIDUALS FROM VARIOUS CLASSES AS LIBERALS OR CONSERVATIVES, MITIGATED BY THE NATIONAL FRONT ARRANGEMENT FOR SHARING POWER BETWEEN THE 2 GROUPS, RECENTLY THIS HAS BEGUN TO BREAK DOWN, ESPECIALLY THROUGH THE FORMATION OF THE POPULIST GROUP ANAPO. 2 MAIN DIMENSIONS OF VARIATION APPEAR: LEFT-RIGHT & PRO-ANTI GOVERNMENT. SIGNIFICANT VARIATIONS APPEAR IN THESE CLASSIFICATIONS ACCORDING TO LEVELS OF R'S IN THEIR PARTY HIERARCHIES. THE RESUMPTION OF VIOLENCE BETWEEN PARTIES, ENDED BY THE NATIONAL FRONT, IS RELATIVELY UNLIKELY, SINCE THE TRADITIONAL PARTIES ARE IN TOO PRECARIOUS A POSITION TO BE ASSURED OF VICTORY AGAINST EMERGING NEW COALITIONS. 4 FIGURES, 3 TABLES. MODIFIED HA.

While both construction & industr unions have made some efforts to remedy racial discrimination in employment, their failure to come to grips with systematic practices of discrimination has made the federal judiciary the main forum for the resolution of such disputes. Instit'al practices that can have a discriminatory impact upon black workers & racial minorities remain in effect. Contrary to public belief about rank & file & local union resistance to nat'l union policies that promote civil rights, it is the official policy of the Amer Federation of Labor & Congress of Industr Org's not to alter such procedures which are negotiated in the collective bargaining process & which screen out blacks disproportionately to whites. Even unions with a substantial black membership continue to have lily-white executive boards at the nat'l level. More blacks are moving into leadership positions--esp in the United Auto Workers & some of the public employee unions. However, in the interim the phenomenon of black workers in white-led unions is bound to produce discontent, black worker org's, & in some instances, industr strife. HA.

Belgium is analyzed by a theory of elites. The history of the Flemish elite is traced. In the 16th century it converted to Protestantism. From the 18th century on the Belgian elite became Francophile. The young Flemish movement of the late 19th century was dissipated during the 2 WW's. The French elite, concentrated in Brussels & in the few main financial establishments ruled over the Flemish majority. The Flemish movement became allied to the Church, but opposed its Belgian hierarchy. A Volksunie (United People) party arose that cut across traditional Flemish left/right lines. Economically it had the support of medium enterprises but not of the largest. It became strongest in the government sector, where there was some competition from the socialist parties. Currently the Flemish majority has an elite but not the majority rule. Since WWII there has been tension between Flemish Catholics & federalists, between its Christian & its socialist unions. The compromises ordained by the constitutional revision of l970-71 are yet to be put into effect. D. Burkenroad.

The emerging patterns of life in contemporary Africa are most apparent in the often competing social and political groupings which have developed as basically rural populations have attempted to deal with the complexities of modern life. During the colonial period, these new groupings—whether rural or urban—were under the control of a dominant administration and seldom came into overt conflict. However, this is not now the case in most African towns. There, as in Ouagadougou, the capital of Upper Volta, a multiplicity of socio‐political factions and multiple governing bodies all claim rights to power and legitimacy. The result is more open competition and conflict. This suggests that the "stability" claimed for colonial African societies was more a function of exogenous political factors than of inherent structural features in the social systems described. Until new dominant political structures emerge in Africa and establish mediating linkages with other institutional forms, there may well be a period of conflict and revolution.

Pacific Northwest Indian tribes signed treaties with the United States in the mid-1850's which guaranteed them the permanent right to fish at their usual and accustomed fishing sites off the reservations. The Indians believe these treaties mean that those states which did not exist in 1855 have no power to regulate Indian off-reservation fishing under any circumstances. State officials, on the other hand, have consistently argued that Indian off-reservation fishing is subject to the same state regulation as non-Indian fishing. The United States Supreme Court has basically accepted the states' position, holding that states can regulate off-reservation fishing when "necessary for conservation." In 1896, 1905 and again in 1942 the Court, in dictum, adopted that proposition.' The error was compounded in 1968 in Puyallup Tribe v. Department of Game. The question of whether the states have power to regulate off-reservation fishing was relevant in Puyallup, but the Court, as in previous cases, simply reiterated its earlier assumption without analysis of why the states have such power.

Pacific Northwest Indian tribes signed treaties with the United States in the mid-1850's which guaranteed them the permanent right to fish at their usual and accustomed fishing sites off the reservations. The Indians believe these treaties mean that those states which did not exist in 1855 have no power to regulate Indian off-reservation fishing under any circumstances. State officials, on the other hand, have consistently argued that Indian off-reservation fishing is subject to the same state regulation as non-Indian fishing. The United States Supreme Court has basically accepted the states' position, holding that states can regulate off-reservation fishing when "necessary for conservation." In 1896, 1905 and again in 1942 the Court, in dictum, adopted that proposition. The error was compounded in 1968 in Puyallup Tribe v. Department of Game. The question of whether the states have power to regulate off-reservation fishing was relevant in Puyallup, but the Court, as in previous cases, simply reiterated its earlier assumption without analysis of why the states have such power.

2 phases are discerned & dealt with in the pol'al evolution of Jamaica: (1) 1660-1912--a period of early settlement where pol'al rights were monopolized by the top stratum & free persons of African descent valued loyalty to Britain & had little enthusiasm for independence; (2) 1912-1970--when nat'lism began to grow & the Peoples Nat'l Party developed the self-determination concept; Jamaica was granted full internal self-gov in 1959 & independence in 1962; (3) the growth of the concept of federation in the 20th cent is traced. It is shown that with independence, self-determination had been given a new twist. The nat'list leadership of Jamaica, while still anti-colonialist in the constitutional or pol'al sense, had ceased to be anti-imperialist in relation to the country's econ's. The establishment of a Caribbean federation was to provide a more secure econ foundation for self-determination. However, what was proposed at the end was very diff from what had been conceived. Mercifully for all concerned, the federation project "was deposited on the scrap heap of history in 1961-62." M. Maxfield.

An analysis of 185 poll items, dating from 1936 to the present, involving any kind of internat'l aggressiveness or warlike sentiments on which age information was available, documents that the young have not always been the pacifists of America. The opinions of the youngest adults (21-29 yr-olds) are compared with the oldest (50 & over). The polls have assembled involved questions such as "Should every able-bodied Amer boy 20 yrs old be required to go into the army or navy for one yr?" "If a candidate for Congress in your district advocated sending a great many more men to Vietnam, would you be more inclined, or less inclined to vote for him?" & "Do you think the US was right or wrong in sending Amer troops to stop the Communist invasion of South Korea?" Gallup, CBS, Minnesota, NORC, Roper, & Harris Poll data are used. It is found that military draft att's do not seem highly age-linked. 38 Tables. M. Maxfield.

Land invasion as a political strategy of peasants is discussed, based on case studies from Colombia, Peru, & Mexico. This strategy is adopted by peasants deprived of their lands or harassed in the execution of their perceived rights by the landlords. Peasants are generally attached to legality & nonviolent forms of political action. The particular cases studied show that land invasion is usually the frustrated conclusion to vain attempts of petitioning, law suits, etc. Public intransigence & nonresponsiveness have been necessary to cause more radical forms of action. Cases of direct violence are generally initiated by public or landlord representatives defining the squatting as illegal. Only then are there reported instances of violent defensive tactics on the part of the peasants. The escalation in peasants' political action is usually brought out by news media in a distorted way, as usually only cases of direct peasant violence are registered. In this way, the revolutionary potential of peasants as a class formation is greatly misunderstood. Modified HA.