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Scholarly literature highlights the systematic actions taken in the modern Middle East to destroy the Kurdish language. With a primary focus on Turkey, scholars have described this process as a policy of linguicide, or language genocide, which is "the extermination of languages, an analogous concept to (physical) genocide." 2 In contrast, similar processes at work in southern Kurdistan (Kurdistan of northern Iraq) have often been described as "linguistic suppression." 3 This paper argues that linguistic suppression does not adequately describe the Iraqi Kurds' experiences. Rather, linguicide better captures the practices of cultural genocide that have targeted this group. This paper focuses on how the Kurds in modern-day Iraq were subjected to linguicide under the Language Education Policy (LEP) from 1932 to 1991. This policy was established during the monarchy (1921–1958), and advanced through the time of Saddam Hussein's regime (1979–1991). 4 While much scholarly work has associated the process of linguicide with the birth of a nation-state, 5 this article further argues that linguicide in the Iraqi Kurdish case predates the formation of the Iraqi nation-state.

This article is an attempt to develop a theoretical framework about how to study dissident ethnic movements' foreign policies. Is it possible to speak about foreign policies of ethnic dissident movements, especially when it is considered that they have no characteristics of modern sovereignty such as territory and recognition? For example, do the Berbers in Morocco, the Catalans in Spain, the Balochs in Iran, and the Kurds in Turkey have a foreign policy? If they do, how do we study their policies toward the outside world? Specifically, focusing on the case of the Kurds in Turkey, this article attempts to provide a theoretical framework for how to study dissident ethnic movements' foreign policy performances. By looking at the effect of the end of the Cold War on the Kurdish nationalists' imagination of the United States, this article interrogates how the change in their imagination played a role in the construction and reconstruction of the post-1980 Kurdish identity in Turkey. It also draws on the work of poststructural and postcolonial Ernesto Laclau, David Campell, and Edward W. Said in order to develop the theoretical framework.

Despite the claim that Kurds intend to remain part of Iraq, it is highly unlikely that they will remain within the country's borders. For the past 80 years or more, Iraq's centralized system of control has failed to accommodate the Kurds, and it is apparent that federalism, too, is a form of government that will fail to satisfy them. The Kurdish goal of independence is apparent in the system they have developed within their state, and this could challenge any future plan for further integration back into Iraq. This goal is also evidenced in popular demands for independence in Kurdistan and in Kurdish politicians' warnings that they will separate if violence, intolerance, or tyranny continue in Iraq. The nature of Iraq's divided society constantly produces civil war and intolerance, and the reality is that it is a nation dominated by ethnic-nationalism and clashing ideologies and interests, but lacking a unifying national identity. Therefore, it is not Kurdish secession that causes continuing communal violence; it is the forced unification of people with different interests and ideologies. Adapted from the source document.

Muhammad Kurd 'Alī referred to his teacher and close friend, Sheikh Tāhir al-Jazā'irī, as the Muhammad 'Abduh of Syria. Kurd 'Alī, however, was not alone in remarking upon the impact that al-Jazā'irī had in Syria during the lete nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Albert Hourani also mentioned him in comparison to 'Abduh:Ideas such as those of 'Abduh were "in the air" in the last quarter of the nineteenth century. We find similar groups of reformers in all the more advanced Muslim countries, and perhaps it is too simple to explain them in terms of the influence of al-Afghānī and 'Abduh. It could be said…that al-'Urwa al-wuthqacould only have had its influence because there were already little groups of Muslims thinking on the lines which made it popular… In Syria similar men can be found in all the great centers of Muslim learning… Among those whom were roughly contemporary with 'Abduh and had some contact with him, was Tāhir al-Jazāir'ī,… a writer on literary and linguistic subjects, he had a wider importance through his work for the establishment of modern schools and the preservations of ancient books.

Iraq: politics, governance, and human rights / Kenneth Katzman. - The Kurds in post-Saddam Iraq / Kenneth Katzman. - Iran-Iraq relations / Kenneth Katzman. - Iraq's debt relief: procedure and potential implications for international debt relief / Martin A. Weiss. - Iraq: the transition from a military mission to a civilian-led effort / Committee on Foreign Relations. - Iraq: a forgotten mission? / Commission on Wartime Contracting. - Displaced Iraqis: integrated international strategy needed to reintegrate Iraq's internally displaced and returning refugees / GAO

Cover; Contents; Series Preface; Timeline; List of Illustrations; Introduction; 1. A Pattern of Violence; 2. Kemalism and the Left; 3. Capitalist Foundation; 4. How the Right Won the People; 5. Social Democratic Hope; 6. Vengeance of the Right; 7. The Rise of the Islamists; Epilogue: Class, Identity and Democracy; Afterword: Attacking the Kurds -- The 'Return' of Kemalism; Notes; Bibliography; Index

Evolution of a grand strategy -- The northern triangle : Iran and Turkey -- Morocco -- The southern periphery -- The Levant minorities -- The Kurds of northern Iraq -- The Jewish dimension -- The American dimension -- End of the first periphery, 1973-1983 -- Iran : periphery nostalgia and its costs -- Israeli skeptics -- Between peripheries : peace, isolation and Islam -- Is there a new periphery? -- Arab reaction -- Can Israel find a regional identity?

Le nationalisme transnational des Palestiniens : une diaspora en quête de reconnaissance et de représentation politique -- "Alya", "Nerkaght" : expériences comparées des "retours" chez les Juifs et les Arméniens au XXe siècle -- The Circular Life of Mobilities Seen From the Moroccan Diaspora -- Les commerçants kurdes de Turquie : acteurs d'un État en construction, le Kurdistan irakien -- Le Turc de l'étranger : du simple gurbetçi au membre d'une "diaspora

How will the growing Islamic resurgence affect the political stability of the Middle East? What are the prospects for democracy in the area? How will the continued Iranian-Saudi and Israeli-Syrian rivalries affect political stability in that area? What are the prospects for the deceleration of the arms race? Are the Kurds likely to enjoy continued autonomy in Iraq? These questions are answered in this study

With 270 deceased on both sides of the conflict, the balance of the most recent Turkish offensive in North Iraq can be made. And the intervention units did not a whole lot. And a political solution of the Kurd question still lies in the far future. An article on the backgrounds of the conflict, which includes the role the USA plays. References. O. van Zijl

Book reviewed in this article:Sinisa Malesevic: The Sociology of EthnicityStephen May, Tariq Modood and Judith Squires (eds.) Ethnicity, Nationalism and Minority RightsJohn McGarry and Brendan O'Leary The Northern Ireland Conflict: Consociational EngagementsEva Østergaard‐Nielsen Transnational Politics: Turks and Kurds in GermanyMichael Rosie The Sectarian Myth in Scotland: Of Bitter Memory and BigotryTerry H. Anderson The Pursuit of Fairness: A History of Affirmative Action

The author identifies the Kurds as an historically distinct people, who speak a non-Semitic, Indo-European language - Kurdish - with historical traditions very different from those of the Sunni and Shiite Iraqi Arabs, and sympathetically traces the history of the efforts of the Kurdish community in Iraq to achieve a degree of self-determination and autonomy/independence. Adapted from the source document.

Trois études de cas - réalisées sur des sites éthiopien, kurde et grec - mettent ici en lumière les effets de l'usage d'Internet sur les diasporas. Selon l'auteur, des possibilités de relations "plus démocratiques" émergeraient en leur sein, car des individus habituellement marginalisés osent s'exprimer sur les sites de leur communauté, et parce que l'outil incite les membres des diasporas à fonctionner de façon plus décentralisée et autonome.

Birlik Spor Duisburg e.V., der mehrheitlich aus türkischen Mitgliedern besteht, stellt gewissermaßen einen Idealtypus einer ethnischen Vereinsentwicklung dar. Als selbstorganisierter Zusammenschluß von Türken und Kurden nimmt Birlik Spor vornehmlich an politisch motivierten Fußball-Turnieren teil. Mit dem Gleichheitsprinzip der Selbstorganisation im deutschen Ligabetrieb ergab sich die Möglichkeit einer eigenen Organisation, die den Migranten relative Autonomie und die Umsetzung eigener Vorstellungen im Sport ermöglicht. Mittlerweile erbringt der interkulturell zusammengesetzte Verein verschiedene Integrationsleistungen für ausländische und deutsche Spieler. Er verkörpert kulturellen und institutionellen Pluralismus, eine der Grundvoraussetzungen für Integration. (prk)