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Cover -- Half Title -- Series Page -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- Preface -- Who will find this book useful? -- About the book -- What to expect from the book -- Book structure -- Prerequisites -- How to use the textbook in a methods course? -- Contributors -- Part I: Introduction to R -- 1. Basic R -- 1.1 Installation -- 1.2 Console -- 1.3 Script -- 1.4 Objects (and functions) -- 2. Data Management -- 2.1 Introduction to data management -- 2.2 Describing a dataset -- 2.3 Basic operations -- 2.4 Chain commands -- 2.5 Recode values -- 3. Data Visualization -- 3.1 Why visualize my data? -- 3.2 First steps -- 3.3 Applied example: Local elections and data visualization -- 3.4 To continue learning -- 4. Data Loading -- 4.1 Introduction -- 4.2 Different dataset formats -- 4.3 Files separated by delimiters (.csv and .tsv) -- 4.4 Large tabular datasets -- Part II: Models -- 5. Linear Models -- 5.1 OLS in R -- 5.2 Bivariate model: simple linear regression -- 5.3 Multivariate model: multiple regression -- 5.4 Model adjustment -- 5.5 Inference in multiple linear models -- 5.6 Testing OLS assumptions -- 6. Case Selection Based on Regressions -- 6.1 Which case study should I select for qualitative research? -- 6.2 The importance of combining methods -- 7. Panel Data -- 7.1 Introduction -- 7.2 Describing your panel dataset -- 7.3 Modelling group-level variation -- 7.4 Fixed vs. random effects -- 7.5 Testing for unit roots -- 7.6 Robust and panel-corrected standard errors -- 8. Logistic Models -- 8.1 Introduction -- 8.2 Use of logistic models -- 8.3 How are probabilities estimated? -- 8.4 Model estimation -- 8.5 Creating tables -- 8.6 Visual representation of results -- 8.7 Measures to evaluate the fit of the models -- 9. Survival Models -- 9.1 Introduction -- 9.2 How do we interpret hazard rates? -- 9.3 Cox's model of proportional hazards.

The main objective of this research is to analyze and relate lineament patterns to the occurrence of mass movements in the municipality of Vitória (Espírito Santo, Brazil). The methodology used consists of cabinet and field analyses. In a cabinet, Lineament Maps were made from the manual extraction technique, using ArcGIS 10.5 tools, on a Digital Elevation Model (DEM) with different artificial lighting (scale 1:110000) and Digital Orthophotos (scale 1:25000) and orientation rosettes generated. In the field, the geological structures were identified and analyzed from the lineaments identified in the cabinet, and their orientations were measured (Brunton compass). These data were integrated and analyzed from the Municipal Civil Defense mass movements records, referring to the period between 2006 and 2020. It was possible to verify the orientation patterns of dominant geological structures in the area (NNW-SSE and NW-SE, followed by NE-SW), including all measured fractures. At the regional scale, more mass movements occurred near NNW-SSE, NW-SE, and NE-SW orientation lineaments. At the local scale, these processes occurred more frequently in the vicinity of NNW-SSE, NNE-SSW, and NE-SW orientation lineaments. Data analysis demonstrates the important relationship between lineaments and occurrences of mass movements with regional geological structures and neotectonic events of the Espírito Santo in altered rocks of the Precambrian basement and Cenozoic deposits. The data revealed an association between the density of geological structures and the occurrence of mass movements since the increase in density is directly proportional to these processes, except for the Very High -density class, which presented little area representation.

The article investigates informal ties among the Yugoslav party-state bureaucracy in 1945–1965 in order to identify their influence on the disintegration processes in Yugoslavia. Interaction through unofficial channels was based on solid social-cultural preconditions and played a significant role in the life of the country. Informal ties could be formed due to military service or employment, family or friendship connections, but ties of compatriot character are most fully represented in the sources. They were lined up on a vertical basis in accordance with the existing administrative-territorial division and were predominately used to achieve some kind of material benefits. Until the early 1950s, compatriot ties could be used both in the interests of the center and subordinate regions, but afterwards only the latter option remained, so they quickly turned into a mechanism of lobbying regional interests in central bodies. Compatriot ties were closely intertwined with parochialism and particularism and fueled by the mood of the masses. For example, there were difficulties in nominating candidates of non-local origin during elections. There were politicians who did not follow the requests of their compatriots, but presumably they were in minority. Since the 1950s, there had been a tendency to institutionally include compatriot ties in the governing bodies, in particular, the principle of proportional regional representation had been established in state and party bodies. Already in the early 1960s this course undermined the efficiency of the central government. To which extent this result was determined by the role of compatriot ties system or other factors has yet to be researched, but it can be stated that the system of informal ties became one of the factors in the disintegration of Yugoslavia.

The article explores the process of fragmentation of political party systems in 25 member countries of the European Union during the last three decades (since 1990s). The analysis starts with discussion on prerequisites of fragmentation through the theoretical lens of the works of S. Lipset/S. Rokkan and A. Lijphart. The main prerequisite is accretion of the system of cleavages in the societies in post-materialist age. Other – secondary – reasons include effects of proportional electoral systems, the rise of populism, volatility of party systems in post-communist countries. Further, the article presents the results of analysis of the Effective Number of Parliamentary Parties (ENPP) dynamics in all national elections since 1990; the average ENPP rose from 4.2 to 6.1. Though scenarios of the rise are similar in many respects (i.e., the simultaneous rise in the first elections after 2008–2009 economic crisis), certain distinctions can be found between "old" and "new" countries, systems of moderate and extreme pluralism. The concluding sub-chapter briefly discusses the "pros" and "cons" of party systems fragmentation for the European countries' politics, which is considered irreversible because it is based on an accreted constellation of cleavages. On the one hand, more fragmented party systems provide for more nuanced representation of societal interests, and are, therefore, democratic and objective. On the other, it gives voice to illiberal populism and complicates the process of coalition building to form the executive; and, in addition, more plural executives tend to be volatile. Recent European political history presents plentiful examples of both. The ultimate challenge for European politicians is to learn to take advantage of the "pros" and tackle the "cons".

The paper aims to explore how culture, family and community-women have shaped women councillors' representation and participation in South Africa. It investigates the extent to which women ward councillors are gaining support from their male counterparts; other women councillors irrespective of political affiliation when women-related issues are raised in council meetings. The paper identifies reasons contributing to the non-support by key stakeholders when women-related issues are raised and when performing their duties. Post-1994 in South Africa, women's participation in politics is still a struggle. The number of women ward councillors have been fluctuating since the local government was reformed between 1995/96. Ward councillors are elected by local communities to represent their respective wards, to be accountable to the community that elected them. The paper is exploratory and qualitative in nature. It focuses on 104 Ward and Proportional Representative (PR) councillors from local municipalities in KwaZulu-Natal and Eastern Cape Provinces. Face-to-face and telephonic interviews were employed. Findings were analyzed using content analysis and themes were induced from the data. The paper revealed that culture is gradually changing due to laws introduced. Also, family support depends on a woman marital status and family involvement in politics. However, males did not support women-related issues, but women ward councillors supported each other irrespective of political affiliation on gender issues. Community-women support councillors through women's groups and community structures. The factors contributing to the non-support of gender-related matters include women competing with each other and political party influence.

Received: 27 January 2021 / Accepted: 15 April 2021 / Published: 10 May 2021

The popular narrative surrounding gerrymandering frames it as a performative phenomenon—achieved through the intentional manipulations of malevolent partisan actors. Efforts to curb partisan gerrymandering —which I call countermandering—have been performative, in turn, focusing on constraining these bad actors through judicial review or mapmaker neutrality. Yet performative countermandering has had limited success. Judicial and institutional constraints are only sometimes available and are often cumbersome and costly. More important, their utility is inherently limited, because gerrymandering is not only performative. It is also structural—an inevitable product of the American electoral schema itself. This paper makes the case for structural countermandering. It explains why transformative change to our electoral schema is urgently necessary. It also hypothesizes that such transformative change has no practical chance of success unless it preserves the two-party system. Accordingly, this paper proposes a new electoral schema called MM2. It operates much like the traditional Mixed-Member Proportional ("MMP") system used successfully for decades in Germany and New Zealand, but its goal is two-party, not multiparty, proportionality. Like MMP, MM2 preserves personal, geographic representation by selecting most legislators through single-seat districts; and it implements structural countermandering by allocating additional seats to political parties to compensate for any vote-seat distortion these districted elections produce. But whereas MMP allocates these seats to achieve vote-seat proportionality for every party, MM2 allocates these seats to achieve vote-seat proportionality only for the top two parties. By preserving certain core features of American democracy, while structurally nullifying gerrymandering, MM2 presents a promising and feasible prospect for transformative change.

Not Available ; Cooperatives are well spread all over the world contributing significantly to the social, economic and welfare of their members. The marine fisheries cooperatives are well established in Maharashtra with the history of over hundred years. In this paper, an attempt has been made to find the organizational roles performed by cooperative societies of Maharashtra for their members. An interview schedule was administered to sample around 15% of cooperative societies i.e. 39 out of 266 functional marine cooperatives. From each coastal district, proportional numbers of cooperatives were randomly selected to the total number of cooperatives to avail the equal representation of cooperatives from each district. The key respondents like Chairpersons, Secretaries, and Members of Board of Management were interviewed. Through pilot study, the organizational roles were categories as handling, processing, marketing, input supply, services, fishery resources management, Facilitating Services (FS), Government Schemes (GS) and Social Services (SS). Kruskal-Wallis test was performed to test the significant difference in organizational roles of cooperatives among districts. The results revealed that, cooperatives perform various roles for their members. Cooperatives of Thane district were found to be involved in maximum organizational roles. It also showed that three organizational roles i.e. spare part supply, allocation of fishing grounds and NCDC scheme extended by cooperatives were significantly different among the cooperatives. The roles performed by cooperatives were strongly limited with administrative setup, financial status and infrastructural development of cooperatives. However, it can be concluded that fisheries cooperatives represent a promising organization that can undertake organizational roles requiring collective action for the development for their members. ; Not Available

Conceptual-typological Aspects of Local Electoral Systems A democracy cannot be built unless it is based on free elections. Elections are a sine qua non condition of democratic governance. Elections are the central procedure of representation in modern democracies, and our generation has made substantial progress in understanding how voters come to make decisions. The elections were imposed in the constitutional history of the world as activities whose social and political effervescence in society is specific, competitions in which the best ones win. In fact, we make the first finding: the local electoral system is a fundamental area of society, the way it is managed and carried out, it reflects the level of development of democracy. The country's implementing bodies are chosen and this is why it is so important that it is organized and carried out correctly, transparently and democratically. The local electoral system is essentially created for citizens and must represent their interests, which we must recognize, often in practice does not happen very often. The actuality of the theme of this article starts from the premise that an electoral system is closely linked to democracy, because it expresses its values, thus constituting an indicator of the democratic character of a society and, at the same time, it contributes to the strengthening of democracy. Although there are different realities, and the electoral procedures differ from state to state, however, it can be said that, depending on how the mandates for the eligible positions are distributed (won), there are three modalities of electoral system: majority electoral system; proportional electoral system; mixed electoral system.

La reforma política-electoral del acto legislativo 001 del 2003, surge como respuesta a la debilidad institucional de los partidos, a la atomización de estas organizaciones y al sin número microempresas electorales existentes; generado entre otros motivos, por el constante descrédito y descontento de la ciudadanía en general hacia las organizaciones partidistas. Tal situación puso en jaque al sistema electoral y de representación en Colombia. Por lo tanto, la mencionada reforma es pensada con la finalidad de fortalecer los partidos políticos, eliminar las microempresas electorales y hacer más proporcional la distribución de cargos de elección popular. No obstante, tomando como objeto de estudio el Concejo de Medellín, se observa que si bien la reforma ha logrado parcialmente tales cometidos, también ha generado consecuencias negativas, igualmente graves de las que fue ideada. ; The política-electoral reform of the legislative act 001 2003, emerges as a response to the institutional weakness of the parties, the atomization of these organizations and to the countless existing electoral microenterprises; generated among other reasons, by the little credibility and discontent of the citizenry in general towards the partisan organizations. Such a situation put in check the electoral system and representation in Colombia. Therefore, the above-mentioned reform is designed with the purpose of strengthening political parties, eliminate electoral micro- and do more proportional distribution of elected Office. However, taking as an object of study the municipality of Medellín, is observed that although reform has been partially achieved such tasks, he has also generated equally serious, negative consequences of which it was devised.

Deep precision strike is a generic military operation that depends importantly on C4/ISR system contributions. Information from the latter is realistically subject to chance influences: targets are found and correctly identified generally at rates proportional to their numbers, locations, and activities, and to the coverage of shooter-serving sensors; the events of detection are realistically random, as are the delays, results, outcomes, and follow-up of the targeting shooters. In this paper a simplified version of the above complicated process is analyzed mathematically, here as a multi-stage queuing process with imperfect service. The probabilistic outcomes can be used to anticipate the results of higher-resolution simulations; these often are far more time consuming both to set up and run. Aspects of the above queuing situations can also be deduced via a deterministic 'fluid' queuing approximation that gives an adequate and convenient representation of aspects of the state variables and various Measures of Effectiveness in the stochastic queuing model. Relying on that agreement, we have elsewhere generalized the stochastic queuing model setup to fluid models that incorporate omitted realities, such as losses from target-list tracking, and the inevitable time dependencies, non- stationarities, and adaptive behaviors that typically occur in actual military operations or vignettes. Both the stochastic and deterministic model results are informative and produce reasonable insights. Further validation steps using mathematical probability techniques as well as simulation are planned; some are in progress. ; Prepared for: Space C2 Information Warfare, Strategic Planning Office N6C3, Washington, DC ; Grant No. CNS-0430566 and CNS-0430598.

Why should legislative proceedings in the grand duchy of Luxemburg be given consideration? It is a country with an area less than that of Rhode Island and with a population (260,000) which would barely fill a second class city—a mere atom in the world's history. Nor has it played an heroic part in the great crisis. Here is the excuse. The discussions in the chamber of deputies have reflected, not in their depths but in their shallows, nearly all the phases of the seething unrest which agitates larger nations, and therein lies the reason for offering a few pictures drawn from the official records of the grand ducal chamber— the German reports as they are sent out daily, translated from the proceedings in French, and the final French comptes-rendus. They are miniatures of the processes of readjustment in progress across the Atlantic.The Luxemburg chamber of deputies is a legislative body that has been evolved by a series of still visible leaps and jumps from the simplest feudal conditions to the assembly recently elected by universal adult suffrage on a basis of proportional party representation according to the system of the scrutin de liste. Its modernity is so complete that a Socialist woman has obtained a seat, yet the conservative character of the forbears of the body is not entirely lost to view in the mists of the past.The old duchy of Luxemburg—a countship until raised to higher dignity by an imperial brother of its count (1354)—lost its early independence in the fifteenth century (1441), and thenceforth shared the political lot of the Belgic provinces under Burgundian, Spanish and Austrian rule.

Over the last thirty years, the Italians have tried almost everything, nothing has resulted as expected, the country is stagnated, and this is the only dish on the menu that had not been tasted yet. Economic growth was flat since 2000, and after the Great Recession and the pandemic, the per capita GDP is 5% lower than fifteen years ago. Public debt amounts to about 150% of GDP (the second in Europe, only after Greece, which is a much smaller economy).This permanent turmoil is in sharp contrast with the more than forty years of political stability and economic growth since the establishment of the Italian Republic at the end of World War II. In the first edition of my textbook Political Institutions in Europe, the author of the chapter on Italy, Gianfranco Pasquino, summarized that period as one with unstable governments (one-year average duration), lasting coalitions (always around the Christian-democrats), repeated presidents of the Council (up to De Gasperi eight times, Andreotti seven, Fanfani six…), and stagnated policies. After the Cold War and the dissolution of both the Christian-democracy and the Communist Party, there have been sustained attempts to force alternations in government via political polarization. Five electoral reforms replaced the previous proportional representation system with mixed systems including single-member districts by plurality rule and a "majority bonus" to the largest party. The results have been, paraphrasing Pasquino: slightly less unstable governments (lasting on average 18 months, but remember that Germany had only three chancellors in forty years); changing coalitions with many alternations (about eight, plus two national unity cabinets); repeated presidents of the Council (Berlusconi four times, Prodi two…); and extremely stagnated policies, despite government alternations, because they now largely depend on the European Union. Against some expectations, new parties proliferated. The most significant electoral reform has been the most recent one, used for the first time in this election: an unprecedented cut of the number of seats in both chambers of Parliament (by 37 percent), which has reduced the number of parties and attenuated fragmentation.In this context, the emphasis on the fascist precedents of the current largest party, Brothers of Italy, is largely biased. In the early 1990s, in parallel to the dissolution of the Communist party, the Social Movement with fascist roots also experienced a "perestroika." It first formed the National Alliance, which won the popular vote in the South, merged with Berlusconi's party, and after being in government for a while with Giorgia Meloni as a minister, a group split to form the minor Brothers of Italy, which became the only opposition to Mario Draghi's government. Accusing Meloni of fascist origins is as distracting as it would be accusing the former president of the Council Massimo D'Alema, at the time leader of the Party of the Italian Communists, of being the heir of Stalinism. While D'Alema furtherly evolved and became Vice-president of the Socialist International, the Brothers of Italy became a member of the European Conservative Group (which was founded by the British Tories), a more pro-EU alignment than the Identity Group that includes the Italian League, the French Le Pen, and the Alternative for Germany.Meanwhile, the European Union is reinforcing its fiscal and financial resources. Italy is prepared to receive the largest amount of loans and donations from the EU's programs for recovery and investments. The intended amount is a programs' percentage double the size of the Italian population and economy's share in the EU (as similarly happens with Spain, but the latter is a smaller economy). At some moment, Meloni hinted at renegotiating the conditional reforms on the judiciary, the tax code, or the anti-trust and competition rules. The size and interdependence of the Italian economy in Europe may give her some leverage, as the country is too big for the EU to let it fail. On this basis, the new Italian government could threaten the EU. But the EU is right now also menacing by being stern on that kind of attitude with its firmness on Hungary.This unbalanced game of mutual threats reflects the general political situation in Europe: the Union is already sufficiently strong to nullify many sovereign powers of the states, but not yet enough to establish the EU as the prevailing institutional level in all respects. Perhaps things must go still worse to go better. Worse with the useless politicking in the states to go better with a European more effective union.President of the Republic Sergio Mattarella was aware of this risk when he prevented the League's Matteo Salvini from becoming president of the Council after the last election and appointed the European leader Draghi. He could still try something of the sort.

Yksi keskeisiä kysymyksiä muuttoliikkeen sävyttämässä maailmassa on, miten valtiot ja kansakunnat kykenevät integroimaan uudet tulijat ja heidän jälkeläisensä osaksi yhteiskuntaa. Maahanmuuttajien kotoutuminen tapahtuu lukuisilla yhteiskunnan eri osa-alueilla, kuten työmarkkinoilla, mutta myös politiikassa. Maahanmuuttajien poliittinen kiinnittyminen uudessa kotimaassa – mukaan lukien kyky ymmärtää ja vaikuttaa poliittisiin prosesseihin sekä kiinnostus seurata yhteiskunnallisia asioita – edistää heidän kotoutumistaan sekä yksilö- että ryhmätasolla. Yksi merkittävä maahanmuuttajien poliittiseen kiinnittymiseen vaikuttava tekijä on heidän poliittinen edustuksensa demokraattisissa päätöksentekoelimissä. Etnisten ja maahanmuuttotaustaisten vähemmistöjen mukanaolo poliittisessa päätöksenteossa viestii tasa-arvoisesta ja moniäänisestä yhteiskunnasta, jossa jokaisella on yhtäläinen mahdollisuus vaikuttaa yhteisiin asioihin syntyperästään riippumatta. Tarkastelemalla maahanmuuttotaustaisten ehdokkaiden rekrytoitumista Suomen kuntavaaleissa tämä tutkimus syventää keskustelua tekijöistä, jotka yhtäältä edistävät ja toisaalta vaikeuttavat maahanmuuttajien poliittisen edustuksen toteutumista. Tutkimuksen empiirisessä osiossa keskitytään kevään 2017 kuntavaaleihin ja vastataan kolmeen päätutkimuskysymykseen: (1) Mitkä olivat keskeisimmät erot eri etnisten ryhmien poliittisessa kiinnittymisessä? (2) Mikä vaikutti poliittisten puolueiden kysyntään eli halukkuuteen rekrytoida maahanmuuttotaustaisia henkilöitä ehdokaslistoilleen? (3) Miten maahanmuuttotaustaisten ehdokkaiden tarjonta eli heidän yhteiskunnallinen taustansa, resurssinsa ja motivaationsa vaikuttivat paitsi päätökseen ehdolle asettumisesta myös heidän valikoitumiseensa ehdokaslistalle? Tutkimuksessa hyödynnetään sekä määrällistä että laadullista aineistoa. Rekisteri- ja kyselypohjaiset aineistot muodostavat pohjan laajemmalle Suomen maahanmuuttotaustaisen väestön poliittisen kiinnittymisen ja poliittisen edustuksen analyysille kuntatasolla. Määrällisten aineistojen avulla on mahdollista vertailla valtaväestöön lukeutuvien ehdokkaiden ja maahanmuuttotaustaisten ehdokkaiden henkilökohtaisia ja sosiaalisia voimavaroja, motivaatiota, poliittisia arvoja ja asenteita, sekä ehdokaskampanjoita. Laadullinen haastatteluaineisto puolestaan valottaa etnisten ja maahanmuuttotaustaisten vähemmistöjen poliittista rekrytoitumista niin maahanmuuttotaustaisten ehdokkaiden kuin puolueiden näkökulmasta. Tutkimuksen tulokset osoittavat, ensinnäkin, että poliittinen kiinnittyminen vaihtelee suuresti eri etnisten vähemmistöryhmien välillä ja että tätä selittävät moninaiset taustamaahan, Suomeen muuton syihin ja ryhmien kotoutumiseen liittyvät seikat. Suomalainen avointen listojen vaalijärjestelmä sekä ehdokkaiden korkea kysyntä kuntavaaleissa kuitenkin luovat verrattain suotuisan ympäristön Suomeen muuttaneiden ehdokkaaksi pääsylle. Toisaalta, vaikka kynnys ehdokkaaksi pääsylle ei ole korkea, useimmat ehdokkaat tarvitsevat ulkopuolista kannustusta ehdokkuudelleen. Suomeen muualta muuttaneet tarvitsevat kannustusta puolueilta ja omalta lähipiiriltään valtaväestöä useammin, sillä monet heistä kokevat oman suomen (tai ruotsin) kielen taitonsa ja/tai suomalaista poliittista järjestelmää ja kulttuuria koskevan tietotasonsa riittämättömiksi. Puolueiden kykyä ja motivaatiota luoda ehdokastarjontaa eli aktiivisesti kannustaa Suomeen muuttaneita asettumaan ehdolle vaaleissa hankaloittavat puolueiden vähäiset sosiaaliset siteet eri etnisiin vähemmistöryhmiin. Verkostojen niukkuus tai suoranainen puute estää puolueita hankkimasta tietoa potentiaalisista maahanmuuttotaustaisista ehdokkaista eli henkilöistä, jotka voisivat olla kiinnostuneita asettumaan ehdolle ja joilla olisi siihen myös riittävät resurssit. Suomen henkilökeskeisessä vaalijärjestelmässä puolueiden vaalitulos riippuu voimakkaasti niiden asettamien ehdokkaiden kyvyistä hankkia henkilökohtaisia ääniä, jotka kaikki menevät puolueen yhteiselle listalle ja määrittävät puolueen saamien edustajanpaikkojen lukumäärän. Näin ollen ehdokkaita rekrytoidessaan puolueet haluavat varmistua siitä, että niiden ehdokkailla on riittävästi voimavaroja ja motivaatiota aktiivisen ehdokaskampanjan järjestämiseen ja äänestäjien mobilisointiin. Tiedon ja sitä myöden luottamuksen puutteen vuoksi puolueet kokevat maahanmuuttotaustaisten ehdokkaiden rekrytoimisen haastavaksi, mikä puolestaan vähentää puolueiden halukkuutta käyttää resurssejaan vähemmistöehdokkaiden löytämiseksi. Puolueet aloittavat ehdokasrekrytoinnin omasta organisaatiostaan edeten organisaation sisäkehältä sen ulkokehälle eli tarkastelemalla ensin aktiivisia jäseniään, sitten vähemmän aktiivisia ja tämän jälkeen jäsenten henkilökohtaisia verkostoja. Koska Suomeen muuttaneet ovat valtaväestöä harvemmin jäseniä puolueorganisaatioissa ja koska heidän verkostonsa eivät aina riittävästi risteä valtaväestön verkostojen ja elämänpiirin kanssa, he jäävät usein puolueiden rekrytointiverkostojen ulkopuolelle. Näin ollen monet Suomeen muuttaneet jäävät vaille sitä kannustusta ja tukea, jota he tarvitsisivat ehdolle asettumisekseen. Sosiaalisilla verkostoilla ja niiden eriytyneisyydellä on siten keskeinen rooli Suomeen muuttaneiden ehdokkaaksi rekrytoitumisen esteiden ja poliittisen aliedustuksen taustalla. Aiemmassa maahanmuuttajien poliittista rekrytoitumista käsittelevässä tutkimuksessa ei ole tarkasteltu riittävästi sosiaalisten verkostojen ja sosiaalisen pääoman merkitystä ja roolia. Sosiaalisiin verkostoihin nivoutuvien tekijöiden järjestelmällinen erittely on tästä syystä yksi tämän tutkimuksen keskeisimmistä kontribuutioista. Tutkimuksen tulokset auttavat tunnistamaan maahanmuuttajien poliittiseen kiinnittymiseen liittyviä tekijöitä ja poistamaan esteitä, jotka vaikeuttavat heidän pääsyään uuden kotimaansa poliittisen järjestelmän tasavertaisiksi jäseniksi. ; One of the crucial questions facing countries across the world is how immigrants and their descendants can become part of a society and nation. Integration of immigrants takes place in multiple arenas, such as in the labour market, but also in the political arena. Immigrants' engagement in host country politics – including the ability to understand and influence political processes as well as having an interest in what is happening in society – facilitates their societal inclusion at both individual and group levels. One of the important factors that supports the political engagement of immigrants is their presence in decision-making bodies. It sends a message of an equal and multivoiced society in which everyone has a chance to participate and to 'have a say'. The general aim of this study is to further the discussion of factors that facilitate and hinder immigrants' political representation by investigating the recruitment of immigrant-origin candidates in Finnish municipal elections. The study draws on empirical evidence from the 2017 municipal elections and answers three main questions. First, what were the key differences in electoral engagement between different ethnic groups? Second, what influenced political parties' demand for immigrant-origin candidates, i.e. motivated parties to recruit immigrants to their candidate lists? Third, what role did immigrant-origin candidates' supply factors, i.e. their socioeconomic backgrounds, resources, and motivations, play in their decision to stand as candidates and in their selection to candidate lists? The empirical material consists of both quantitative and qualitative data. The register and survey-based datasets form the basis for understanding the wider picture of electoral engagement and political representation of the foreign-origin population in Finnish municipal politics. They enable comparisons between native and immigrant-origin candidates regarding their personal and social resources, motivations, political attitudes, and campaigns. The qualitative interview data, in turn, sheds light on the process of political recruitment of immigrant-origin candidates from the perspective of parties and individual immigrant-origin candidates. The findings show, first, that the level of electoral engagement varies significantly between ethnic minority groups due to factors related to their countries of origin, reasons for migrating, and the level of integration in Finland. Second, the Finnish open-list proportional representation electoral system and a high demand for candidates in local elections result in a relatively favourable context for immigrants' access to candidacy. However, although the barrier of access to the ballot list is not high, most candidates need external encouragement before they decide to stand as candidates. Due to factors such as the language barrier and unfamiliarity with the Finnish political system and political culture, immigrant-origin candidates need even more encouragement from parties and their own personal networks. Yet, active recruitment by the parties is hindered by their lack of social ties to immigrant groups. Limited ties prevent parties from acquiring information about immigrant-origin individuals with interest and resources to stand as candidates. When recruiting candidates under a heavily personalised electoral system, in which parties' ability to win seats depends on their individual candidates' ability to attract personal votes, parties want to know that their candidates engage in active campaigning and have vote-earning attributes. Due to a lack of information, as well as the familiarity and trust related to it, parties often feel unable and unwilling to recruit candidates from immigrant communities. Furthermore, immigrants have significantly less experience with political organisations, and hence are less often in the party's inner network, from which parties begin their search for candidates. Those who are not members of parties' networks are not very likely to be personally targeted and encouraged to stand. Therefore, social networks play a fundamental role in the recruitment of immigrant-origin candidates and, thus, in the political representation of immigrants in Finnish municipal councils. The role of social networks and social capital in political recruitment has not been sufficiently acknowledged in previous studies on immigrants' political representation. Therefore, the systematic documentation of these factors is one of the main contributions of this study. The findings of this study can be used to recognise and overcome the barriers that immigrants face on their pathways to political integration.

Women's low political participation remains a problem in many parts of the globe. Previous research within the African context has examined the gender gap, focusing on individual-level factors. Still, the gender gap persists after controlling for the usual barriers (resource, attitudinal, social, and cultural). We complement prior studies by exploring the impact of an overlooked factor—institutions. We theorize that the gender gap in political participation in Africa depends on the specific institutional context and nature of the institutions themselves. Focusing on electoral systems, gender quotas, and their inclusive outcomes (increase in women's numbers in national assemblies), we hypothesize that in countries with proportional (PR) electoral systems, gender quotas should encourage higher participation among women and yield small to no gender gap. Using five waves of Afrobarometer data covering 32 African countries, the multilevel regression results reveal nuanced effects of institutions on the gender gap in both electoral and non-electoral participation. First, compared with majoritarian systems, we find that PR electoral systems help erase the gender gap only for electoral participation (voting). In contrast, for non-electoral participation, PR electoral systems show no significant impact on reducing the gender gap. Second, we find no evidence to support the hypothesis that gender quotas reduce the gender gap in electoral and non-electoral participation. Third, where women's representation in legislatures exceeds 20 percent, there is a reversal of the gender gap for voting. However, for non-electoral activity, improving women's presence in national legislatures proves more effective in reversing the gender gap only for those belonging to a political party. For other activities, such as joining others to raise issues, protest actions, and attend community meetings, the gender gap persists but diminishes, with women holding 20–45 percent of seats.

The aim of the article is to study the activities of political parties and public associations of the western provinces of the Russian Empire on one of the most important issues of public and political life – the election of legislative chambers. The beginning of struggle over the changes in the electoral law to the State Duma was made at the congress of the "Union of October 17" on February 8–12, 1906 in Moscow. Activities of the Octobrists of the western outskirts were aimed at limiting the in uence of the Polish landlords and the Catholic church, against granting autonomy to the Kingdom of Poland. In this, they essentially separated from the leadership of the Octobrist party. Around the idea of introducing the principle of proportional election of electors and deputies of the State Duma by nationalities, ensuring the election of at least one Russian member of the State Council from each outlying province, local Octobrists went to an agreement with the extreme right and regional monarchist organizations, forming the Russian Suburban Union. By sending petitions and deputies to Nicholas II, negotiations with P.A. Stolypin, the Octobrists of the western provinces and their allies managed to achieve a change in the electoral law to the State Duma on June 3, 1907, which allowed them to increase the number of monarchist deputies in the lower chamber. In 1908 – 1911 together with other monarchist organizations, the "Union of October 17" managed to solve in its favor the question of "Russian" representation in the State Council from the Vitebsk, Minsk, Mogilev, Kiev, Podolsky and Volyn provinces, as well as to defend Stolypin's idea of the introduction of elective zemstvos in Belarus and Ukraine.