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Since the 60s, Latin America has been hearing the suggestions of International Economic Organizations (IEOs) on how to reach development. In the 70s, the United Nations suggested the politics of development, where the countries could define independently their own national and international politics to reach development and be equally rich. This did not work due to the increasing interdependence; therefore, in the second half of the 80s, the Washington Consensus replaced this policy. The Washington Consensus claims that globalization promotes multilateralism and does not allow countries to take unilateral decisions because they affect others and are being affected by other countries' decisions as well. Although this made a lot of sense, it would mean that the free market prevailed over the actions of the government, eliminating all barriers to trade and to foreign investments. According to the United Nations Commission for Trade and Development (UNCTAD), "International production has become the central structural characteristic of the world economy". A greater freedom to trade, plus the opening of capital flows, could lead the underdeveloped nations to economic growth showing as a sample the rich countries. Therefore, many Latin American countries joined the neoliberalism that was proposed by the Washington Consensus in 1989, reduced trade barriers, opened up their markets to foreign capitals and followed many of the indications of the IEOs in order to find development through internationalization. National economies are linked together by a network of trade, investment and credit and this link is supposed to bring development. The IEOs said that the national market size does not matter anymore if a country focuses on larger international markets. Internalizing the Washington Consensus norms was difficult for Small Size Economies (SSE) because the rules of this Consensus took all the countries as a group of a unique size and established on common and non discriminatory rules to approach multilateralization. ...

América Latina se caracteriza, en la actualidad, por la diversidad de los procesos políticos en marcha en un contexto de crisis hegemónica del neoliberalismo. Como parte de estos procesos políticos, desde 2003 en adelante se han sancionado nuevas leyes generales de educación en numerosos países. El presente trabajo analiza las leyes de educación vigentes en los países suramericanos a partir de algunos tópicos fundamentales de la política educacional: cuáles son los fines de la educación, qué rol asume el Estado, cómo se define el derecho a la educación y cuáles son las dimensiones consideradas en relación con su consecución, entre otras. El estudio de las leyes desde una perspectiva comparada permite observar un panorama diverso y complejo que resulta significativo para comprender las orientaciones y los debates actuales en materia educativa para esta parte del continente. ; Latin America is currently experiencing an ongoing diversity of political processes in a context of crisis of the neoliberalism hegemony. In this context, new general education laws have been sanctioned in many countries, from 2003 onwards. Considering some fundamental topics of education policies, this paper analyses the education laws in force in South American countries such as, among others: What are the aims of education? What is the role of the State? How is the right to education defined? And, which aspects are considered to implement it? Studying these topics from a comparative point of view reveals a rich and complex overlook that help us understand the present orientations and debates in educational maters for this part of the continent ; De nos jours, l'Amérique Latine se caractérise par la diversité des processus politiques en cours dans un contexte de crise hégémonique du néolibéralisme. Dans ce cadre, depuis 2003, des lois générales d?éducation ont été promulguées dans de nombreux pays. Ce travail analyse les lois sur l'éducation en vigueur dans les pays sud-américains à partir de certains thèmes fondamentaux de la politique éducationnelle, comme, entre autres : les fi ns de l'éducation ; le rôle assumé par l'Etat ; la défi nition du droit à l?éducation ; et les dimensions considérées pour la mettre en ?uvre. L'étude des lois à partir d'un point de vue comparatif off re une vue d'ensemble diverse et complexe et, donc, importante pour comprendre les orientations et les débats actuels en matière d'éducation dans cette partie du continent.

Partiendo del carácter tridimensional de la agroecología, -como ciencia, como práctica y como movimiento social y/o político- este artículo hace una revisión de este campo del conocimiento en Latinoamérica (el Caribe incluido), haciendo énfasis en las relaciones entre la investigación científica, las nuevas prácticas y los movimientos sociales. Para ello se describen y analizan los que se consideran los cinco principales núcleos de desarrollo de la agroecología en la región: Brasil, la Región Andina, Centroamérica, México y Cuba. La revisión revela un triple proceso de innovación (cognitiva, tecnológica y socio-política) en íntima relación e interacción con los escenarios políticos y culturales más recientes, tales como la aparición de gobiernos progresistas y la resistencia e insurgencias campesinas e indígenas. Se concluye que la agroecología conforma un novedoso fenómeno, donde los cambios de paradigmas científicos y tecnológicos actúan y se construyen en constante reciprocidad con los movimientos sociales y los procesos políticos, dando lugar a una triple transformación de enorme importancia para la construcción de una sociedad sustentable. ; Abstract: Taking as departure point the triple dimension of agroecology -as science, as practice and as social or political movement- this paper make a review of this field of knowledge in Latin America (including the Caribbean islands). The paper describes and analyzes five poles of agroecological development in the region: Brazil, the Andean region, Central America, Mexico and Cuba, emphasizing the relations between scientific research, production of technologies and rural social movements. The review reveals a tri-dimensional innovative process (cognitive, technological and social and political), inextricably linked with the new progressive governments and the peasant and indigenous movements. The paper concludes that the region is living an interesting process where the new scientific and technological paradigms interact in a reciprocal way, with the political phenomena and the social movements.

Theories of modernization, globalization, and dependency have assigned a clear role to Latin America: the region has been seen as dependent, exploited, and institutionally weak. In these theories, modernization and globalization are seen as forces generated elsewhere; the region, in these views, has merely tried to "adjust" and "respond" to these external influences. At best, it has imitated some of the political institutions of the core countries and, most of the times, unsuccessfully. While there is very good empirical evidence that supports these views, the essay argues that these theories need some correction. Latin America has been an innovator and a modernizer in its own right, especially in its cutting-edge design of the nation-state and in its modern conceptualization of the national community. Thus, the essay suggests that the region has not merely "adjusted" to modernization and globalization. Rather, the paper makes a case for a reinterpretation of the region's role as a modernizer and an important contributor to the consolidation of the modern West.

The globalized Western culture of innovation, as propagated by major aid institutions, does not necessarily lead to empowerment or improvement of the well-being of the stakeholders. On the contrary, it often blocks viable indigenous innovation cultures. In African societies and African Diasporas in Latin America, cultures of innovation largely accrue from the informal, not the formal sector. Crucial for their proper understanding is a threefold structural differentiation: between the formal and informal sector, within the informal sector, according to class, gender or religion, and between different transnational social spaces. Different innovation cultures may be complementary, mutually reinforcing, or conflicting, leading in extreme cases even to a 'clash of cultures' at the local level. The repercussions of competing, even antagonistic agencies of innovative strategic groups are demonstrated, analyzing the case of the African poor in Benin and the African Diasporas of Brazil and Haiti.

The elections of 6 November 2011 have further damaged Central American democracy. Otto Pérez Molina, a right-wing conservative former general, was elected president of Guatemala with 54 percent of all votes cast. On the same day, Daniel Ortega was confirmed for a third term as president of Nicaragua in office with 62 percent. Both
elections emphasize the growing trend of authoritarian rule in Central America. The shortcomings within the Central American transformation towards democracy, the establishment of the rule of law, and a policy of social development are clearly not of a transient nature, as they have become more and more prominent. These shortcomings
prevent the rooting of democracy in society that is necessary for its consolidation. After two decades of political transformation, neither social injustice nor poverty have been reduced in Central America. Dealing with these historically ingrained
problems, however, is necessary to politically strengthen and legitimize democracy. The political minimum consensus is increasingly under threat. The supposedly leftwing parties demand a government policy of active intervention by establishing welfare programs; however, they atempt to put their policies into practice at the cost of the existing legal framework. The political right, on the other hand, insists that formally democratic procedures must be adhered to, but suggests that social injustice and political disintegration can be overcome only with a completely free market and a security policy best described as an "iron fist" approach. At the same time, both camps try to mobilize their supporters not with policydriven programs that aim to solve these critical issues, but with populist slogans and loyalty towards certain individuals. The result is a political blockade that prevents the deepening and consolidation of democratization.

The switch to digital terrestrial television is now a global trend. In Latin America, where the terrestrial platform has a dominant role, the introduction of DTT raises important questions for economic and industrial development, as well as pluralism. This article focuses on the earliest experiences (Brazil, México and Argentina) and those of the newcomers (Chile, Colombia and Uruguay). The aim is to outline the differences between the various political decision processes and the way with which they have been turned into communication policies, so as to draw some conclusions that contribute to visualizing the future of television in the region. ; Publicado

América Latina es abordada como región y como parte de un sistema mundial, cuyas expresiones se entroncan con nuevas dinámicas hemisféricas, las cuales tienen en la hegemonía norteamericana a uno de sus principales ejes de articulación. En este encuadre, se estudian las características de los procesos políticos actuales, desde el punto de vista de las principales tensiones internas y externas a la región. Al hacerlo, se privilegia la categoría de democracia, no sólo como régimen, sino como cambio político de la sociedad y el Estado. La línea argumental reconoce el contexto del neoliberalismo en su fase de cuestionamiento generalizado, especialmente por sus resultados y, a la vez, una tendencia que se orienta hacia proyectos alternativos de desarrollo e integración. ; Latin America is addressed as a region and as part of a global system, whose expressions are linked with new hemispherical dynamics, which have in the American hegemony one of its main axis of articulation. In this framework, the paper studies the characteristics of the current political processes from the point of view of the major internal and external tensions in the region. In doing so it favors the category of democracy, not only as a regime, but as a political change of society and state. The argumentative line recognizes the context of neo–liberalism, in the widespread questioning phase. The signals about crisis abound, particularly because the results of the current model, in its complex and contradictory context. Nonetheless it also recognizes trends that are oriented towards alternative development and integration projects. ; Fil: Salinas Figueredo, Darío. Universidad Iberoamericana

[ES] Considerando que el apoyo a la democracia es uno de los principales factores que determinan la consolidación de los regímenes democráticos, en este documento proponemos responder las siguientes preguntas: ¿Qué supuestos hacen relevante distinguir distintos perfiles entre quienes no apoyan a la democracia?, ¿con base en cuáles argumentos teóricos es posible diferenciar tales perfiles?, y ¿bajo qué condiciones se configuran estos perfiles diferenciados de no demócratas?. Toda vez que América Latina se constituye en un escenario apropiado para responder estas preguntas, hemos utilizado la base de datos de Latinobarómetro 2004. En primer lugar, a partir de un análisis de clúster, construimos un indicador que nos permite distinguir cuatro perfiles en relación con los apoyos: uno democrático y otros tres no democráticos: "autoritario", "indiferente" e "incoherente". En segundo lugar, mediante el uso de modelos multivariados y variables de nivel individual, demostramos cómo cada perfil de no demócratas se distingue respecto del tipo de objeciones hacia la democracia que expresan los ciudadanos. Asimismo, los resultados muestran cómo estos perfiles se diferencian a través de los países, sugiriendo la existencia de factores endógenos a cada sistema político -a nivel agregado- que afectan la configuración de estos perfiles. El documento concluye con las principales implicaciones teóricas y políticas que se derivan de las evidencias recogidas ; [EN] Having in mind that support for democracy is one of the most important factors determining the consolidation of democratic regimes, in this paper we aim to answer three questions: What assumptions does make relevant to distinguish among those who do not support democracy? What are the theoretical arguments that allow a differentiation of these profiles? And, under what conditions different nondemocratic citizens' profiles are constructed? Being Latin America an appropriate scenario of analysis, we use the Latinobarometro 2004 dataset. First, based on factor and cluster analyses, we develop an indicator that allows to distinguished four different profiles of citizens' attitudes toward democracy: one "democrat" and three non democratic profiles: "authoritarian", "indifferent", and "incoherent". Second, using different multivariate models with individual-level variables, we demonstrate that each one of these non democrats' profiles is accounted for different objections to democracy: either exogenous or endogenous factors at the system. The paper concludes with some theoretical and political implications drawn from the empirical examination.

The history of Mental Health in Latin America is relatively young. It dates back to the mid nineteenth century and widely developed during the twentieth century, with formidable scientific, social, political, and ethical challenges. Latin American psychiatry has contributed in the fields of epidemiology, phenomenology, social psychiatry, psychiatric and epistemological research, and clinical genetics as well. More recent advances can also be seen in clinical psychotherapy and psychopharmacology. Now, there is a formal and informal recognition of various areas of expertise, such as children and adolescents, addictions, anxiety disorders, among others. However, we need to solve the health problems resulting from mental illnesses as well as the disorders related to the social, environmental, political, and economic factors of a continent marked by the precariousness of underdevelopment, which have a high impact on population health. Therefore, considering and trying to minimize the impact of those factors, contributing to the destigmatization of mental illnesses and their consequences, together with the growing number of non-governmental organizations (NGOs), human rights defenders, public figures, etc., and collaborating in building a society that guarantees the right to mental health and adequate treatment and rehabilitation are part of our present challenges in Latin America. © 2010 Institute of Psychiatry.

La figura del Estado se constituye, de alguna manera, en aquella que resulta más aceptada, exitosa y hasta deseable por las distintas sociedades, en términos de organización política; esto de acuerdo con tres elementos fundamentales: satisfacción, protección y reconocimiento, los cuales, según su interacción permiten clasificar a los Estados de conformidad con sus identidades y tendencias políticas. El presente trabajo busca analizar y, a la luz de estos elementos, abrir la discusión sobre el papel de la seguridad en el debate sobre la reconfiguración del Estado en América Latina. ; The figure of the State somehow constitutes, in terms of political organizations, the most accepted, successful, and even desirable figure for the different societies. A situation centered on three key elements: satisfaction, protection, and recognition. The elements that, according to their interaction, allow the classification of the States based on their political identities and trends.This paper seeks to analyze and, in the light of these elements, open the discussion about the role of safety in the discussion on the State reconfiguration in Latin America. ; A figura do Estado se constitui, de alguma maneira, em aquela que resulta mais aceita, bem-sucedida e até desejável pelas distintas sociedades, em termos de organização política; isto de acordo com três elementos fundamentais: satisfação, proteção e reconhecimento, os quais, segundo sua interação permitem classificar aos Estados de conformidade com suas identidades e tendências políticas. O presente trabalho busca analisar e, à luz destes elementos, abrir a discussão sobre o papel da segurança no debate sobre a reconfiguração do Estado na América Latina.

Este artículo propone objetivar el paradigma de la teología de la liberación (TL), como fenómeno sociopolítico contemporáneo característico de la relación entre la religión (en ese caso el cristianismo) y la política, en América latina. Aquí, el planteamiento central consiste en sostener que la TL constituyó un sistema propio, el cual tiene aún hoy presencia e impacto social. Ese sistema debe ser entendido en la singularidad de sus lógicas sociales e ideológicas. Su análisis no puede ser reducido a intereses teóricos y modelos externos, ni someterse a los propios mitos de los actores. En primer lugar, se define la pertinencia de la aplicación de la noción de paradigma a la teología de la liberación y se reconstruye su genealogía dentro del catolicismo contemporáneo, así como el contexto social, político e ideológico del cual surgió. En segundo lugar, se delimita el modelo paradigmático de la TL, diferenciado de su genealogía y de su entorno, para identificar sus evoluciones sucesivas y diversas expresiones hasta la actualidad. ; This article proposes to objectify the liberation theology (LT) paradigm, as a contemporary social-political phenomenon of the relationship between religion (in this case, Christianity) and politics in Latin America. The core statement alleges that LT built its own system, which has still presence and social impact. Such system is to be understood in the singularity of its social and ideological logics. The analysis of it cannot be reduced to theoretical interests and external models without submitting to the actors' own myths. First, the relevance of applying the paradigm notion to the liberation theology is defined and its genealogy is rebuilt within the contemporary Catholicism, as well as the social, political, and ideological context from which it arose. Then, the LT paradigmatic model is determined, differentiated from its genealogy and environment, in order to identify its successive evolutions and various expressions up to the present.

RESUMEN: Esta investigación sugiere que un incremento del 10% en los niveles de democracia en América Latina reduce hasta en 0.6% el nivel de emisiones per capita de CO2 (calidad ambiental). Esta relación se estima mediante un sistema de ecuaciones de panel de datos aplicado a 19 países latinoamericanos en el periodo 1995-2008. La democracia actúa como un medio para las crecientes demandas de calidad ambiental en América Latina causadas por el incremento en la población urbana y niveles de desarrollo. Sin embargo, esta investigación tiene, por lo menos, dos limitaciones: primero, no analiza la relación de largo plazo entre democracia y calidad ambiental en América Latina; y, segundo, este estudio supone que la democracia es un sistema político solo con consecuencias positivas. ; ABSTARCT: This study finds that a 10% increase in the level of democracy in Latin America reduces (raises) CO2 emissions per capita (environmental quality) by up to 0.6%. This relationship is estimated by using a fixed effects panel system of equations for 19 Latin American countries in the period 1995-2008. Democracy serves as a conduit for increasing demands on environmental quality in Latin America, due to increases in urban population and prosperity. Nevertheless, this study has, at least, two caveats: first it cannot unveil the long run relationship between democracy and environmental quality in Latin America; and, secondly, this study assumes that democracy entails positives outcomes for countries adopting this political system.

The Asia and Pacific region and Latin American and Caribbean region are two regions divided not only by vast geographic distance, but also by disparities in economics, politics, culture, and history. Most recently, a number of forums explored the possibility of closing such gaps and linking the two regions through various trade and investment initiatives. The opportunities for cooperation abound and could touch on areas that will improve the regional value chain and enhance the innovation and competitiveness of both regions. Interregional cooperation could also help the two regions seek ways to deal with the current global economic crisis through a range of opportunities to stimulate the economy. This paper explores the potential for regional cooperation between the Asia and Pacific region and Latin America and the Caribbean. It also provides some recommendations to enhance the economic partnership of the two regions.

We test for the populist view of inflation in Latin America between 1970 and 2007. The empirical results - based on the relatively novel panel time-series data and analysis - confirm the theoretical prediction that recently elected governments coming into power after periods of political dictatorship, and which are faced with high economic inequality, end up generating high inflation and macroeconomic instability. All in all, we suggest that the implementation of democracy as such requires not only the 'right political context' - or an appropriately constrained executive - to work well, but it also must come with certain economic institutions (e.g. central bank independence and a credible and responsible fiscal authority), institutions which would raise the costs of pursuing populist policies in the first place.