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Drawing on the proliferating literature on multiculturalism, this article provides a theoretical and critical argument in support of public funding for minority cultural schools, as well as a critique of the Ontario Conservative government's proposal in 2001 to extend tax credits to parents who enroll their children in private schools in Ontario. It argues that governments in Canada committed to the idea of multiculturalism have an obligation to promote the maintenance and flourishing of minority cultures through education and financial support. The article first outlines and refutes neutralist liberal arguments against public funding for minority religious and culturally education, and demonstrates what is meant by a right to culture and the attendant duties such rights impose on the state. It then raises and responds to concerns about such cultural pluralist policies and suggests ways to balance group demands for public funding with other values the state wishes to support. It argues that the Ontario government's proposal to provide tax credits for private education without regulation does not respond to concerns about balancing the right to culture and teaching liberal citizenship values, and offers alternative policy recommendations in the conclusion.

This article discusses whether the existing legal framework for property and places should apply to the electronic medium, or whether the uniqueness of the Internet requires a different characterization. The source of the right of the owner of an Internet site to legally control access to and use of the site and its content is the tort law of trespass and the law of contract. The sources of the right of users to freely access and use Internet content are the policies of free speech and public accommodation. Part I of this paper reviews the common law trespass theories that courts have employed to regulate online activities. Part II considers the de nition of "place" and whether particular uses of the Internet are "places of public accommodation." Part III proposes a new legal framework that could serve as a basis for legislative action to promote both of these policies in cyberspace. This framework recognizes the unique qualities of the Internet, incorporating both the public policy favoring freedom of expression and the private property interest in controlling unauthorized use of Internet resources.

A commentary on the insecurity of low-wage work notes that unemployment rates are four times higher for persons with fewer than four years of high school than for those with four or more years of college, even in periods of relative prosperity. The deleterious effects of unemployment are examined for both individuals & specific population groups. It is argued that research data on the impact of unemployment can be misleading. Dangers associated with the fallacy of composition (assuming what is true for individuals is also true for the whole population) are discussed, along with the role played by perceptions of job availability in shaping public attitudes/public policy; the nature of empirical evidence concerning job availability; distinctions between the amount & distribution of joblessness; & the impact of an aggregate job shortage. It is maintained that the way individual workers experience aggregate labor market conditions, as well as how the general public perceives low-wage workers, tend to encourage behavioralist & structuralist views of the causes & remedies for unemployment. 1 Figure, 29 References. J. Lindroth

Reports that there are increasing trends towards the commercialisation of public sector information. Explains the concepts of information trading and discusses the role of the public sector. Describes three case studies within the UK government. Identifies the lack of a uniform approach to information trading within UK government departments in terms of attitudes to information provision, information costing and pricing and the resourcing of an information trading function. Discusses issues concerning the national and departmental policy on information distribution and trading; the resourcing and management of information technology to support the information trading function; the development of an information‐aware culture within the government and its departments and the development of contractual relationships with marketing agents within the private sector. Examines the effect of online information provision on information trading. Discusses the application of agency theory to the study of the role of marketing agents and identifies their importance in the development of a public sector information trading market. Concludes that there is a lack of clear direction for government departments concerning information trading.

As social scientist, welfare state reformer and diplomat, Alva Myrdal made an important contribution to changing conceptions of modern womanhood. With her husband Gunnar, she drew up blueprints for a woman-friendly welfare state that continue to be of relevance to contemporary debates about women's dual roles in the public and private spheres. She was herself a working wife and mother of three children with a home publicly hailed for its efficient modernity. In retrospect, her domestic performance as wife and mother, as well as her public writings on women and family welfare policy, have been subject to critical re-evaluation, a debate to which biographical material presented by each of her three children contributed. This article reflects on the situated nature of biographical writings about women and discusses the different constructions' of Alva Myrdal presented in these family narratives. From within Alva Myrdal's own feminist perspective, the author attempts to show the extent to which judgements about the contribution of women continue to be framed by conceptions of the duality of their place in the public and private domains.

Contemporary debates over the future direction of retirement pensions policy have been dominated by a polemic over the scope of, and the future balance between, the respective roles of public and private sectors in the management and delivery of benefit "entitlements". This debate has negatively judged the institutional capacity of the state sustainably to supply adequate national retirement provision. This development is viewed as problematic as it is contentious in that it seeks to abandon lessons learned from the long, albeit currently underestimated, historical pedigree of public‐private partnership in institutional pensions provision. Against the ascendancy of World Bank‐driven attitudes regarding the limitations of "public"' pensions provision, it is argued that due recognition be given to the ongoing capacity of state sectors to contribute positively to the management and delivery of old‐age pensions. Argues further that the social welfare‐driven imperatives which led states initially to become increasingly more involved in national pensions provision remain no less salient today and for the future, and are particularly salient for developing economies with poorly developed private financial sectors.

Public perception of risk is being cited as a documented reason to rethink a very contentious congressionally mandated process for siting interim storage and permanent disposal facilities for high‐level radioactive waste. Rigorous survey research has shown that the public holds intense, negative images of "nuclear" and "radioactive" technologies, activities, and facilities. Potential host states and opponents claim that these negative images, coupled with an amplification of negative risk events, will potentially stigmatize the area surrounding such facilities and result in significant economic losses. At issue is whether a supporting social amplification of risk model is applicable to communities hosting facilities that are part of the U.S. Department of Energy Nuclear Weapons Complex. An initial assessment of high‐profile discrete and cumulative key negative risk events at such nuclear facilities does not validate that there has been stigmatization or substantial social and economic consequences in the host areas. Before any changes to major national policy are implemented, additional research is required to determine if the nearby public's "pragmatic logic," based on practical knowledge and experience, attenuates the link between public opinion and demographic and economic behaviors.

This paper traces the development of the US federal government's program to provide personal and public health services to American Indians and Alaska Natives since the 1940s. Minimal services had been provided since the mid 19th century through the Bureau of Indian Affairs of the Department of the Interior. As a result of attempts by western congressmen to weaken and destroy the bureau during the 1940s, responsibility for health services was placed with the US Public Health Service. The transfer thus created the only US national health program for civilians, providing virtually the full range of personal and public health services to a defined population at relatively low cost. Policy changes since the 1970s have led to an emphasis on self-determination that did not exist during the 1950s and 1960s. Programs administered by tribal governments tend to be more expensive than those provided by the Indian Health Service, but appropriations have not risen to meet the rising costs, nor are the appropriated funds distributed equitably among Indian Health Service regions. The result is likely to be an unequal deterioration in accessibility and quality of care.

Grave robbers, we all know, loot tombs for material gain. Recently, however, Italian tomb robbers, or tombaroli, have sought public attention by publishing their biographies and appearing on television to present an entirely new image of their métier. They depict themselves as heroes who bring the treasures of the past to the public and boast of an expertise, which remains unrecognised by official archaeologists. Rather than merely dismissing these stories as a justification, or glorification of an illegal activity, a more careful reading reveals many issues, which are of considerable importance to heritage management and archaeological research. These accounts contain a wealth of information on the identity of the people who loot tombs; their backgrounds, motivations and attempts to legitimate their actions. Moreover, they provide a unique insight into the relations between tomb robbers and the communities within which they operate. It is well known that public opinion in Italy and elsewhere to some extent sanctions illegal digging and, in my view, changing these attitudes could prove to be one of the most important steps towards a more effective policy of protecting the cultural patrimony.

Book reviewed in this article:LAUREEN SNIDER, Bad Business: Corporate Crime in Canada.GREGG M. OLSEN, The Struggle for Democracy in Sweden.WILLIAM R. JANKOWIAK, Sex, Death, and Hierarchy in a Chinese City.FRAN MARKOWITZ, A Community in Spite of Itself. Soviet Jewish Emigres in New York.ELIZABETH EDWARDS (ed.), Anthropology and Photography, 1860–1920.NOEL DYCK and JAMES B. WALDRAM (eds.), Anthropology, Public Policy and Native Peoples in Canada.ANNY BAKALIAN, Armenian‐Americans: From being to feeling Armenian.GORDON BROTHERSON, Book of the Fourth World. Reading the Native Americas Through Their Literature.DAVID A. NOCK, Star Wars in Canadian Sociology: Exploring the Social Construction of Knowledge.PRUE BAINS and ELI TERAM, Normal Bad Boys: Public Policies, Institutions, and The Politics of Client Recruitment.DAVID MACGREGOR Hegel, Marx and the English State.DENYS DELÂGE, Bitter Feast: Amerindians and Europeans in Northeastern North America, 1600–64. (orig. Le pays renversé) (trans. Jane Brierly).DIANE DRIEDGER and SUSAN GRAY (eds.), Imprinting Our Image: An International Anthology by Women with Disabilities.ALENA HEITLINGER, Women's Equality, Demography and Public Policies.GORDON BAILEY and NOGA GAYLE (eds.), Sociology: An Introduction from the Classics to Contemporary Feminists.T.F. MCILWRAITH, The Bella Coola Indians, Volumes 1 and 2.

The results of this study are used to evaluate United States immigration policy during the 1930s. Under the "likely to become a public charge" clause (the LPC clause), consular officers were expected to distinguish among intended immigrants on the basis of their likelihood of becoming public charges at any time subsequent to their arrival in the United States. If the LPC clause was implemented with any degree of efficiency, the group of refugees which arrived before the clause was renounced in March 1938 would have been subjected to stricter economic-quality standards than the group which arrived after it was renounced. The results of a European economic quality comparison between LPC refugees and post-LPC refugees suggest that the LPC clause did not result in any significant quality distinctions between the immigrants of the two groups. Descriptive statistics and regression analysis show that there is not any evidence that refugees who arrived while the LPC clause was in effect had any less U.S. earnings potential and, thus, were any less likely to become public charges than refugees who arrived after the LPC clause was renounced.

THE UNIVERSAL REFORM MOVEMENT IN PUBLIC MANAGEMENT THAT HAS TAKEN PLACE IN THE PAST TWO DECADES HAS BEEN DRIVEN IN LARGE PART BY THE REQUIREMENT THAT GOVERNMENTS RESPOND TO THE FISCAL STRESSES BROUGHT ABOUT BY CHANGES IN THE INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC SYSTEM ON THE ONE HAND AND BY THE UNRELENTING DEMANDS FOR GOVERNMENT SERVICES AND REGULATIONS ON THE OTHER. THESE STRESSE HAVE LED TO THE PARAMOUNTCY OF POLICY RESPONSES AIMED AT BUGETARY RESTRAINT AND AT DOWNSIZING THE PUBLIC SERVICES OF GOVERNMENTS, AS WELL AS VARIOUS MEASURES TO PRIVATIZE GOVERNMENT OPERATIONS AND TO DERREGULATE PRIVATE ECONOMIC ENTERPRISES. TWO MAJOR SETS OF IDEAS HAVE COME TO INFLUENCE THE DESIGN AND MANAGEMENT OF GOVERNANCE. THE FIRST SET OF IDEAS FOCUSES ON THE NEED TO REESTABLISH THE PRIMACY OF REPRESENATIVE GOVERNMENT OVER BUREAUCRACY. THE SECOND SET FOCUSES ON THE NEED TO REESTABLISH THE PRIMACY OF MANAGERIAL PRINCIPLES OVER BUREAUCRACY. THE CENTRAL QUESTION EXAMINED IN THIS ARTICLE IS WHETHER THE ORGANIZATIONAL DESIGNS FOR THE REFORM OF REPRESENTATIVE GOVERNMENT AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION PROMOTE THE REQUIRED ACCOMMODATION BETWEEN THESE TENSIONS AND CONTRADICTIONS

Nations typically act first and worry about legalities afterwards. International lawyers thus find themselves relegated, for the most part, to the passive role of sorting out rationalizations of past events. Once in a while, however, when a democratic government is contemplating an action that is legally questionable, international lawyers may have a chance to play a more active role. The government at that time might decide to introduce the issue of the legality of its contemplated action into the public forum, either in the hope that open debate may help pave the way for public acceptance of whatever action the government ultimately chooses to take or, more charitably, in a genuine search for the public will on the matter. The primary forums are the daily media aimed at an informed readership—in the United States, one thinks of the editorial pages of the New York Times and the Washington Post. In contrast, a quarterly journal such as the American Journal of International Law in nearly all cases is not published on a timely enough basis to influence specific planned policy initiatives.

Abstract: At one level, this paper is a fairly straightforward analysis of speeches about industry training made by two business people on behalf of the state. As such, it can be situated within a constellation of relations described by the following formations: relations between and within business and government; the role of non‐statutory public advisory bodies; and the nexus of economy and training. At a second level, the paper may be read as an attempt to address the techniques of speech writing within the public service and how these resonate with "famous names" to produce authored — and authorised — documents. And at a third level, what I am seeking is to advocate the use of discourse analysis in the study of Australian public policy, by positioning the speeches within a set of structuring forms of knowledge. I want particularly to argue for the dominance of neoclassical economics as a key logic determining the terms of truth within such speeches. This will be maintained both through a reading of these specific texts and a discussion of the context within which they were produced, circulated and consumed.