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On the basis of the "three sigma" rule, a statistical stratification of the Ukrainian effective community into economic welfare groups according to their social and economic status has been carried out, thus creating the basis for substantiating the expediency of reforming the forage production sector in order to further expand the production of organic livestock products through the up-to-date approaches to the formation and use of climate adaptive feed-related phytocenoses. In order to increase the productivity of grass fodder, an innovative model of the grass-grazing complex has been developed. Its structure includes a cyclic wedge of long-term cereal-bean pasture which involves perennial grasses of the botanical species adapted to the zonal ecological and technological conditions, a satellite wedge of traditional mixtures of annual crops and atypical pasture plants – burnet polygamous (Poterium poligamum Woldst. et Kit.), prairie dock (Silphium perfoliatum L.) and others, whose herbage is used during the off-season, when the main cyclic wedge is found to be low-yielding, as well as a sheltered base, equipped with outdoor hoppers and shelters designed to protect animals in bad weather. The introduction of meadows and pastures in the system of zonal fodder production will contribute to the improvement and stabilization of the production of cheap and adequately nutritious herbal feeds thus increasing the resource potential of the area.

This edited volume examines the social networks of older people in nine countries from a range of perspectives in order to determine the potential of informal support structures to deliver the bulk of care in today's society. Researchers from the United States, Canada, England and Wales, France, Spain, the Netherlands, Sweden, Finland, and Israel present up-to-date analyses of support networks in each of their countries. The social policy implications of the comparative data are critically reviewed. The findings clearly suggest that social network availability is diminishing for a significant

Terrorism in all its forms and manifestations and its scope, intensity, cruelty has now become one of the most acute and topical problems of global significance. The article deals with conceptual measures for strengthening the fight against terrorism and extremism financing, effective work with the private sector on providing information necessary for detection of the activity connected with terrorism and extremism financing. This work analyses the increasing level of awareness of representatives of public and private sectors and strengthening of the role of financial intelligence for the use of reconnaissance data as a dominant way of fight against terrorism and extremism. It has been determined that in such circumstances effective fight against terrorism and extremism as the exterritorial phenomenon has to have a complex character, combining efforts at universal, regional and interstate levels. As experts note, the measures taken only at the national level will have a limited effect. For safety insurance, each state needs international cooperation. It has been established that in Israel in order to prevent crises and mass protests, they use in practice the positively recommended Israel's experiment of information exchange of law enforcement and special bodies with leaders of public opinion (authoritative persons, elders), representatives of official clergy, mass media and NGO by means of WhatsApp mobile application in online mode about the events having a public response. It is established that all interested private structures and government bodies have to reach a compromise in the strategy of ensuring a reliable system of counteraction and development of countermeasures according to the solution of anti-terrorist actions.

Diese Schrift besteht aus drei Teilen, die meinen verschiedenen Forschungsschwerpunkten entsprechen. Der erste, der sich mit der Verbindung von Verfassungsrecht und politischer Philosophie befasst, ist eine radikale, aber noch nicht abgeschlossene Kritik an der repräsentativen Form der Demokratie. Sie stößt nicht nur zunehmend an ihre Grenzen, sondern scheint auch der Idee der Demokratie selbst zu widersprechen. Der zweite betrifft scheinbar technische Aspekte des Verfassungsrechts, die aber in Wirklichkeit diese Überlegungen ergänzen, da sie in den ersten beiden Artikeln dem Referendum und der Notwendigkeit einer zumindest halbdirekten Demokratie gewidmet sind, die in Frankreich, anders als in Italien, de facto, wenn nicht sogar de jure, nicht existiert. Der dritte Schwerpunkt ist dem Herzland Italien und seinen politischen Institutionen gewidmet. Er gliedert sich um einen roten Faden (abgesehen von dem historischen Artikel über den Vergleich des französischen und italienischen Kulturguts) in Form eines Postulats, das sich aus einer Intuition ergibt. Die italienische Politik scheint, was auch immer man von ihr halten mag, die Entwicklung unseres französischen politischen Ansatzes vorwegzunehmen, so dass man Italien als ein nützliches "Labor" zur Beobachtung unserer Situation betrachten kann. ; This paper is composed of three parts, corresponding to my various lines of research. The first, devoted to the articulation of constitutional law and political philosophy, is a radical, but still unfinished, critique of the representative form of democracy. Not only does it increasingly show its limits, but it also seems contradictory to the very idea of democracy. The second concerns apparently technical aspects of constitutional law, but in reality complementary to this reflection, since the first two articles are devoted to the referendum and the need for a democracy that is at least semi-direct, which in fact, if not in law, does not exist in France, unlike in Italy. The third axis is devoted to Italy, a country at ...

Diese Schrift besteht aus drei Teilen, die meinen verschiedenen Forschungsschwerpunkten entsprechen. Der erste, der sich mit der Verbindung von Verfassungsrecht und politischer Philosophie befasst, ist eine radikale, aber noch nicht abgeschlossene Kritik an der repräsentativen Form der Demokratie. Sie stößt nicht nur zunehmend an ihre Grenzen, sondern scheint auch der Idee der Demokratie selbst zu widersprechen. Der zweite betrifft scheinbar technische Aspekte des Verfassungsrechts, die aber in Wirklichkeit diese Überlegungen ergänzen, da sie in den ersten beiden Artikeln dem Referendum und der Notwendigkeit einer zumindest halbdirekten Demokratie gewidmet sind, die in Frankreich, anders als in Italien, de facto, wenn nicht sogar de jure, nicht existiert. Der dritte Schwerpunkt ist dem Herzland Italien und seinen politischen Institutionen gewidmet. Er gliedert sich um einen roten Faden (abgesehen von dem historischen Artikel über den Vergleich des französischen und italienischen Kulturguts) in Form eines Postulats, das sich aus einer Intuition ergibt. Die italienische Politik scheint, was auch immer man von ihr halten mag, die Entwicklung unseres französischen politischen Ansatzes vorwegzunehmen, so dass man Italien als ein nützliches "Labor" zur Beobachtung unserer Situation betrachten kann. ; This paper is composed of three parts, corresponding to my various lines of research. The first, devoted to the articulation of constitutional law and political philosophy, is a radical, but still unfinished, critique of the representative form of democracy. Not only does it increasingly show its limits, but it also seems contradictory to the very idea of democracy. The second concerns apparently technical aspects of constitutional law, but in reality complementary to this reflection, since the first two articles are devoted to the referendum and the need for a democracy that is at least semi-direct, which in fact, if not in law, does not exist in France, unlike in Italy. The third axis is devoted to Italy, a country at ...