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The major problem in the current world is that there is more economic and communication globalization than political globalization. However, the institutions for global governance enjoy robust bad health and are increasingly active in facing new challenges. Next week, in the Bavarian Alps, there will be the annual summit meeting of the Group of Seven, the closest thing to a world government that has ever existed; it will focus on surveilling the previous climate accord on decarbonization, together with the pandemic and Ukraine. Immediately afterward, in the second half of the week, the NATO summit will gather in Madrid, on the 40th anniversary of Spain's membership, to approve a new Strategic Concept for the next ten years.     Many other recent news show that global institutions are moving ahead in an interdependent world. In no particular order: The President of Brazil has trouble with Mercosur but asks for membership in the OECD. The United Kingdom has become a candidate to join the Transpacific Partnership. India, breaking with its tradition of "strategic autonomy," has signed new preferential trade agreements with Australia and the UK. There is an African Continental Free Trade agreement that encompasses 54 countries. The next meeting of the World Trade Organization ministers will request broader global cooperation on climate change and the prevention of future pandemics. Several initiatives to tax big tech corporations and carbon prices are on the table. And my favorite: the Group of Seven has invited the Prime Minister of India to its next week meeting, thus becoming again, temporarily, the Group of Eight, now including the largest democracy in the world.     At the same time, the European Union, led by Ursula von der Leyen, is moving ahead with new initiatives. The EU is not an alternative to globalization but is part of it. Globalization does not mean that every new commercial product or policy initiative must cover the two-hundred countries in the world. Presently, cross-border trade and foreign direct investment are more concentrated in continental areas, but the world total is higher than before the pandemic.     We knew that the member-states of the European Union do not control some of their essential elements, such as the borders and the currency. But now, some other fundamental tasks of government are passing to the hands of European or global institutions. Security and Defense are organized by an expanding NATO, as well as by European deployment forces and a plan to increase spending at the EU level. Infrastructure programs are now dominated by the energy crisis, which requires international agreements for the provision of gas and oil. The EU is increasing its own financial resources and facing an impending new debt crisis in several states. Many traditional regulations by the states, such as tariffs, imports control, or "evasion of capitals," are as obsolete as being used only as sanctions against the enemy, such as Russia.    There was a comparable economic and communication globalization process with blatant deficits of global institutions at the beginning of the twentieth century. By the early 1900s, the share of foreign trade out of domestic products was similar to the current levels (actually, it was higher because there were fewer states). People traveled without passports. John M. Keynes famously said that, from his office in London, he could order by telephone any quantity of the various products of the whole earth to be delivered upon his doorstep, adventure his assets in new enterprises of any quarter of the world, and bearing coins or bills of almost any currency without expecting any grievance o interference.    The alternative to such globalizing process are nationalisms, trade restrictions, racism, xenophobia, sovereignty wars. All wars between states are wars for sovereignty. In the last instance, as we are beginning to see now, the alternative to more political globalization is war. As it was in 1914.--- Versions in Catalan, Spanish, and English in ARA - click

Красота не только категория чистой эстетики, т. к. ее первоначальный смысл имплицирован в экологический, естественнонаучный, социальный и другие типы дискурсов. В результате словосочетания «экологическая красота», «красота природы», «красота теории», «красота слова» и т. д. широко используются в профессиональных языках. Секрет красоты в ее способности гармонизировать любой тип объекта, будь то теоретическое знание, художественное произведение, промышленное сооружение или город, что делает ее самоценной. Вместе с тем, сегодня все активнее раздаются голоса в защиту самой красоты, на место которой претендуют безобразное, дисгармоничное, выдавая себя за нее. Эстетическая симуляция особенно заметна в перепланировании столичных городов, планомерно уничтожающих естественные природные ландшафты, красота которых облагораживала и людей. В неплотно застроенное столичное пространство с его природными островками встраиваются высотные дома, заглядывающие в окна старожилов. Экономическая целесообразность новой архитектурной политики оборачивается утратой радости людей от соприкосновения с природой нашего двора, которую бесцеремонно вытеснили стекло и бетон. Архитектурная эклектика оказалась важнее природной эстетики, комфорта городской среды и климатического оазиса. Активное строительство расширяет и городские границы, наступая на леса, которые испокон веков охраняли и питали город, служили зоной отдыха, ощущения, хотя и символического, что природный мир с нами. Его природная красота служила образцом естественной эстетики для всего искусственно созданного человеком. Результат превзошел все ожидания: современные спальные районы оказались в городской пустыне, среди песка, асфальта и мусорных баков. Парадокс в том, что самые зеленые окраины города перестали быть таковыми. Итак, презумпция красоты природного мира требует нашей защиты, как, собственно, и он сам. Культура по-прежнему антропоцентрична, природа лишь объект наших интересов, да и человек, подменив природный мир виртуальным, сделал себя объектом своих же манипуляций.The Beauty is not a mere category of pure aesthetics because of its primordial sense that is implied in ecological, natural scientific, social and other types of discourses. As a result, notions like "the ecological Beauty, "the Beauty of Nature", "The Beauty of theory", "The Beauty of words" and others are very widespread in professional languages. The secret of Beauty is its ability to harmonize every type of objects (theoretical knowledge, the work of art, industrial building or the city), which makes it self-valued. At the same time, there are more and more words nowadays in defense of the Beauty itself against the Disfigured and the Discord, which pretend to take its place as its substitute. The aesthetical simulation is especially evident in the process of replanning the cities and capitals that systematically destroys natural landscapes, the beauty of which refined the people as well. Into the not closely build-over area of the capital city with its natural green isles new high-rise buildings are built that peep through the windows of old residents' houses. The expediency logic of the new architectural politics turns out for the lack of joy of those people who need to contact with the glass and concrete that substitute the natural climate of our common places. Architectural eclectics proves to be more important than the natural aesthetics, the comfort of the urban environment and climatic oasis. The active construction activity also expands city borders to forest areas, which from the earliest times protect and feed the city, serve as recreation zone and provide us with the feeling (though a symbolic one) that the natural world and we are together. The natural beauty always served as a model of natural aesthetics for all things artificially constructed by the man. The result of the above-mentioned process exceeds all expectations and the modern dormitory areas find themselves at the urban desert amidst sand, asphalt and refuse bins. The paradox of the situation is that the very green outskirts of city cease to be as such. So, the presumption of the Beauty of the natural world (though itself as well) demands our protection. The modern culture is anthropocentric as it was before and the nature is a mere object of our interests. A man substituting the natural world with a virtual one made him or herself the object of his/her own manipulations.

Hoy más que nunca cobra relevancia el tema de los actores no estatales en un mundo globalizado e inmerso en la revolución tecnológica que ha facilitado a las corporaciones multinacionales, la sociedad civil, y al mundo en general, actuar más allá de las fronteras geográficas de los Estados configurando complejas relaciones entre los diversos actores del sistema internacional. Ahora bien, la comprensión de los fenómenos de la realidad internacional requiere no solamente el establecimiento de conceptos y clasificaciones de estos actores sino del estudio de sus interacciones para establecer el rol que cada uno desempeña en el sistema internacional. Para este propósito es conveniente estudiar aquellos casos cuya dimensión mundial permite realizar un balance general del comportamiento de cada actor, por lo que se ha seleccionado el estudio de la dinámica de las relaciones de poder entre la poderosa empresa multinacional Monsanto, el Estado moderno democrático de occidente y la sociedad civil, con el propósito de establecer el rol de este último actor en el contexto de las relaciones de poder con estos actores, y de este modo poder hacer una aproximación al rol que esta desempeña en el sistema internacional. Para tal efecto, se realiza una caracterización de cada uno de los actores en mención y se define cuáles son sus objetivos, en segundo lugar, se realiza la descripción de la dinámica de sus interacciones a través de la cual se establecen sus estrategias, escenarios de interacción y la existencia de experiencias exitosas de la sociedad civil en la defensa de sus intereses. El desarrollo del trabajo parte de los aportes de diferentes autores que han contribuido a la construcción del edificio de conocimientos del paradigma pluralista de las Relaciones Internacionales; y de la teoría sistémica de David Easton (1997), para explicar algunas de las interacciones. El argumento central es que las interacciones producidas entre Monsanto y el Estado, determinan que la sociedad civil entre a interactuar con estos configurando unas relaciones de poder en las que desempeña el rol de limitador de la autonomía del Estado, y del poder corporativo de Monsanto. Actores no estatales, Monsanto, Estado, sociedad civil, relaciones de poder, soberanía alimentaria ; Today more than ever becomes relevant the issue of non-state actors in a globalized and immersed in the technological revolution has made it easier for multinational corporations, civil society and the world at large, act beyond the geographical borders of the United configuring complex relationships between the various actors in the international system. However, the understanding of the phenomena of international reality requires not only the establishment of concepts and classifications of these actors but the study of their interactions to establish the role each plays in the international system. For this purpose it is appropriate to consider those cases worldwide dimension which allows an overall assessment of the behavior of each actor, so it was selected to study the dynamics of power relationships between powerful multinational Monsanto, democratic modern state of Western and civil society, in order to establish the role of this last actor in the context of power relations with these actors, and thus to make an approach to the role it plays in the international system. To this end, a characterization of each of the actors in question is made and define what your goals are, secondly, the description of the dynamics of their interactions through which makes establishing strategies and scenarios interaction analyzing the role played by civil society. The development work of the contributions of different authors who have contributed to the building of knowledge of the pluralist paradigm of international relations; and systemic theory of David Easton (1965) to explain some of the interactions. The central argument is that the interactions produced between Monsanto and the State, civil society determined between setting to interact with these power relations in which plays the role of limiting the autonomy of the state and corporate power of Monsanto. Non-state actors, Monsanto, State, civil society, power relations, food sovereignty.

The whirlwind of activity that occurred in American foreign policy at the end of the nineteenth century is largely forgotten about. Situated between the Civil War and the First World War, this era is often overlooked in terms of importance to American history. It was, however, a major formative time in the history of the United States. During these years, the United States committed to actions outside of its borders that would have major ramifications on the future course of the country. These events were the Spanish-American War and the Philippine-American War, both fought in the period from 1898 to about 1902, and they were new types of wars that the United States had never fought in before. The first was a large scale humanitarian effort, while the second was a brutal colonial conflict in a faraway territory. These wars came at a time of change in American political thought, when the ideas of imperialism and empire building overseas began to prominently become a part of the American mindset. Although these feelings of expansion and national glory would become more mainstream during this time, they were met with a fierce backlash by many who opposed the new direction of the United States, raising new political questions and debates throughout the country. The wars and their outcomes would produce battlegrounds abroad and spark political battles at home. This study explores the Spanish-American and Philippine-American Wars, and the profound impact they had on the United States. It will illustrate how each war came about, and the sharp contrast between how each war was fought, and how each was viewed in the United States. This study will explore the rise of expansionist feelings in the United States and the beginning of imperialist ambitions since the end of the Civil War, and their evolution before the Spanish-American War, and how this set up the war fever that would involve the United States with Spain and the Philippines. I will then look at the war with Spain, how it began and the forces 3 that were driving the "war fever" that swept through the United States, and the counter anti-imperialist movement that arose as a response. Finally, it will explore the war in the Philippines, and show how it was different from the Spanish-American War, although the two were fought only a few months apart, which shows that the Philippine-American War was a pure colonial conflict, just like the ones waged by Europeans. Primary sources such as newspaper headlines and political cartoons will be used to show the opposing sides of these heated debates. Those involved in the imperialist faction in the United States went by and were called many names, including imperialists, expansionists, and the colorful term "jingoes." Jingo is a term adopted by Americans who supported expansion from Great Britain, where it was also a term for expansionists. The term was used both by the Americans who supported the movement, and by those who did not. Supporters saw it as a term of endearment, while their detractors used to as a synonym for being a war hawk, which was often the case as well. Both the expansionists and their opponents battled in out during this period in political debates and by using mass media to try to persuade public opinion. They did this because they thought they were battling over the future direction and spirit of the United States of America. These events were an important part of American history, but they were also part of something bigger as they show how the United States became of part of the larger history of imperialism taking place around the world at this time. These events help show that the United States was more involved in global affairs and in the affairs of other nations before the event that was seen as the first "major" American intervention, the First World War. These events help people today understand expansionist and anti-expansion feeling at home, while also contributing to the worldwide rush for empire and glory that took place at the end of the nineteenth century. 4 This connection helps shed more light and understanding on these important historical moments that cannot be overlooked, and that is what this thesis is attempting to do.

The whirlwind of activity that occurred in American foreign policy at the end of the nineteenth century is largely forgotten about. Situated between the Civil War and the First World War, this era is often overlooked in terms of importance to American history. It was, however, a major formative time in the history of the United States. During these years, the United States committed to actions outside of its borders that would have major ramifications on the future course of the country. These events were the Spanish-American War and the Philippine-American War, both fought in the period from 1898 to about 1902, and they were new types of wars that the United States had never fought in before. The first was a large scale humanitarian effort, while the second was a brutal colonial conflict in a faraway territory. These wars came at a time of change in American political thought, when the ideas of imperialism and empire building overseas began to prominently become a part of the American mindset. Although these feelings of expansion and national glory would become more mainstream during this time, they were met with a fierce backlash by many who opposed the new direction of the United States, raising new political questions and debates throughout the country. The wars and their outcomes would produce battlegrounds abroad and spark political battles at home. This study explores the Spanish-American and Philippine-American Wars, and the profound impact they had on the United States. It will illustrate how each war came about, and the sharp contrast between how each war was fought, and how each was viewed in the United States. This study will explore the rise of expansionist feelings in the United States and the beginning of imperialist ambitions since the end of the Civil War, and their evolution before the Spanish-American War, and how this set up the war fever that would involve the United States with Spain and the Philippines. I will then look at the war with Spain, how it began and the forces 3 that were driving the "war fever" that swept through the United States, and the counter anti-imperialist movement that arose as a response. Finally, it will explore the war in the Philippines, and show how it was different from the Spanish-American War, although the two were fought only a few months apart, which shows that the Philippine-American War was a pure colonial conflict, just like the ones waged by Europeans. Primary sources such as newspaper headlines and political cartoons will be used to show the opposing sides of these heated debates. Those involved in the imperialist faction in the United States went by and were called many names, including imperialists, expansionists, and the colorful term "jingoes." Jingo is a term adopted by Americans who supported expansion from Great Britain, where it was also a term for expansionists. The term was used both by the Americans who supported the movement, and by those who did not. Supporters saw it as a term of endearment, while their detractors used to as a synonym for being a war hawk, which was often the case as well. Both the expansionists and their opponents battled in out during this period in political debates and by using mass media to try to persuade public opinion. They did this because they thought they were battling over the future direction and spirit of the United States of America. These events were an important part of American history, but they were also part of something bigger as they show how the United States became of part of the larger history of imperialism taking place around the world at this time. These events help show that the United States was more involved in global affairs and in the affairs of other nations before the event that was seen as the first "major" American intervention, the First World War. These events help people today understand expansionist and anti-expansion feeling at home, while also contributing to the worldwide rush for empire and glory that took place at the end of the nineteenth century. 4 This connection helps shed more light and understanding on these important historical moments that cannot be overlooked, and that is what this thesis is attempting to do.

The whirlwind of activity that occurred in American foreign policy at the end of the nineteenth century is largely forgotten about. Situated between the Civil War and the First World War, this era is often overlooked in terms of importance to American history. It was, however, a major formative time in the history of the United States. During these years, the United States committed to actions outside of its borders that would have major ramifications on the future course of the country. These events were the Spanish-American War and the Philippine-American War, both fought in the period from 1898 to about 1902, and they were new types of wars that the United States had never fought in before. The first was a large scale humanitarian effort, while the second was a brutal colonial conflict in a faraway territory. These wars came at a time of change in American political thought, when the ideas of imperialism and empire building overseas began to prominently become a part of the American mindset. Although these feelings of expansion and national glory would become more mainstream during this time, they were met with a fierce backlash by many who opposed the new direction of the United States, raising new political questions and debates throughout the country. The wars and their outcomes would produce battlegrounds abroad and spark political battles at home. This study explores the Spanish-American and Philippine-American Wars, and the profound impact they had on the United States. It will illustrate how each war came about, and the sharp contrast between how each war was fought, and how each was viewed in the United States. This study will explore the rise of expansionist feelings in the United States and the beginning of imperialist ambitions since the end of the Civil War, and their evolution before the Spanish-American War, and how this set up the war fever that would involve the United States with Spain and the Philippines. I will then look at the war with Spain, how it began and the forces 3 that were driving the "war fever" that swept through the United States, and the counter anti-imperialist movement that arose as a response. Finally, it will explore the war in the Philippines, and show how it was different from the Spanish-American War, although the two were fought only a few months apart, which shows that the Philippine-American War was a pure colonial conflict, just like the ones waged by Europeans. Primary sources such as newspaper headlines and political cartoons will be used to show the opposing sides of these heated debates. Those involved in the imperialist faction in the United States went by and were called many names, including imperialists, expansionists, and the colorful term "jingoes." Jingo is a term adopted by Americans who supported expansion from Great Britain, where it was also a term for expansionists. The term was used both by the Americans who supported the movement, and by those who did not. Supporters saw it as a term of endearment, while their detractors used to as a synonym for being a war hawk, which was often the case as well. Both the expansionists and their opponents battled in out during this period in political debates and by using mass media to try to persuade public opinion. They did this because they thought they were battling over the future direction and spirit of the United States of America. These events were an important part of American history, but they were also part of something bigger as they show how the United States became of part of the larger history of imperialism taking place around the world at this time. These events help show that the United States was more involved in global affairs and in the affairs of other nations before the event that was seen as the first "major" American intervention, the First World War. These events help people today understand expansionist and anti-expansion feeling at home, while also contributing to the worldwide rush for empire and glory that took place at the end of the nineteenth century. 4 This connection helps shed more light and understanding on these important historical moments that cannot be overlooked, and that is what this thesis is attempting to do.

ÖZETCUMHURİYET DÖNEMİ MODERNLEŞME ALGISI: DEMİRYOLU ÖRNEĞİAyten, DeryaMaster, Uluslararası İlişkiler BölümüTez Danışmanı: Prof. Dr. Ahmet DemirelOcak 2014Modernleşmenin, 19. yüzyılda Batı dünyasında demiryolları ile eşzamanlı olarak geliştiği söylenebilir. Demiryolu gelişimi ve modernleşme sürecinin Avrupa kıtası dışında da birlikte gerçekleşmesiyle, bu teknoloji Batılı olmayan dünyada da kıtadakine benzer etkiler doğurmuştur. Osmanlı İmparatorluğu da, demiryolu yapımının modernleşme yolunda önemli olduğuna inanan ülkeler arasında yer almaktadır. Demiryollarında kodlanmış bu modernleşme arayışı Türkiye Cumhuriyeti'ne miras kalmıştır. Demiryolu teknolojisinin Türk devletinin modernleşme algısı üzerinde önemli etkisi olmuştur. Bu etki yeni kurulan cumhuriyetin başlattığı yeni ulaştırma politikaları ve Anadolu'da hızlandırılan demiryolu ağı inşaatlarının olduğu dönemden başlayıp, devletin ulaştırma politikasının demiryolu yerine karayolu olarak değiştiği 1940'lı yıllara kadar sürmüştür. Sosyal, siyasal ve ekonomik alanlarda önemli etkileri olan modernleşme ideali, Atatürkçülüğün/Kemalizmin devrim yasaları çerçevesinde, muasır medeniyet seviyesine ulaşma olarak tanımlanmıştır. Bu idealin bir parçası olarak cumhuriyetin ilk dönemi olan 1923 ve 1940 yılları arasında, devlet "Şimendifer Siyaseti" olarak bilinen demiryolu politikasını benimsemiştir. Bu politika ile devlet yeni demiryolları yapımına başlamanın yanı sıra, Osmanlı'dan miras kalan ve yabancı demiryolu şirketlerinin elinde bulunan mevcut demiryollarını da millileştirmiştir. Devrim kanunları ile devletin demiryolu politikası arasındaki ilişkiyi analiz eden bu tezde, demiryolu gelişiminin devletin modernleşme algısının oluşumuna olan etkisi incelemektedir. Bu çerçevede, tezin esas konusunu, devletin takip ettiği demiryolu politikasına bağlı olarak ortaya çıkan sosyal, ekonomik, kültürel ve/veya siyasal değişiklikler oluşturmamaktadır. Tezde, cumhuriyet döneminde devletin modernleşme paradigması içerisinde demiryolu politikasının önemine odaklanılmıştır. Tezin amacı, izlenen demiryolu politikasının, devletin muasır medeniyet seviyesine ulaşma söylemine olan katkısını incelemektir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Modernleşme, Demiryolu, Osmanlı Modernleşmesi, Osmanlı İmparatorluğu'nda Demiryolu Gelişimi, Türkiye'nin Modernleşme Politikaları, Cumhuriyet Döneminde Demiryolu Gelişimi ABSTRACTPERCEPTION OF MODERNIZATION DURING THE REPUBLICAN ERA: RAILWAY CASEAyten, DeryaM.A., Department of International RelationsSupervisor: Prof. Dr. Ahmet DemirelJanuary 2014Modernity might be said to have developed concurrently with the railways in the nineteenth century within the Western context. The impact of this technology to the non-Western world produced a similar realization as railway development and modernization process went hand in hand in those areas that fall outside the borders of the continent. The Ottoman Empire was among those in which the construction of railroads conformed to the pursuit of modernization. Encoded in railways, quest for modernization was bequeathed to the Turkish Republic. Railway technology had a considerable impact on the development of Turkish state's perception of modernization, from when the newly founded republic had initiated a new transportation policy and accelerated the building of railway network throughout Anatolia, to the 1940s until when the early republican period came to an end together with the change in the state's preference from railroad to highway. Within the context of the revolutionary laws under the aegis of Atatürkism/Kemalism, the idea of modernization as crystallized reaching to contemporary civilization came to the fore as one of the most important ideals which had social, political and economic dimensions. As part of this ideal, between the years 1923 and 1940, representing the early republican period, the state adopted a railway policy known as Şimendifer Siyaseti through which not only new railway lines were started to be constructed, but also already-existing ones inherited from the Ottoman Empire were nationalized as these lines had been under the ownership of the foreign railroad companies. Analyzing the relationship of this railway policy with the revolutionary laws, this thesis addresses the impact of railroad development on the formation of the state's perception of modernization. Within this framework, the aim of this thesis is not to explore the socio-economic and politico-cultural changes the state went through due to the outcomes of this railway policy, but to focus on the position of this policy in the modernization paradigm of the Turkish state and to explore the contribution of the railroad development to the state's discourse of reaching to contemporary civilization. Keywords: Modernization, Railway, Ottoman Modernization, Railway Development in the Ottoman Empire, Turkish Modernization Policies, Development of Railways during the Republican Period

Arboreal laboratory consists of three intertwined gallery installations, which resulted from a two-year residency between 2002-04 at Stour Valley Arts at King's Wood in Kent. The work consciously relocates a rural experience to an urban setting, and refers to displacement and longing. The artworks were developed from a series of eight experiments conducted in the woods, which explored sound, scents, vision and time. It also involved a temporary artwork in the Woods themselves. In mythology the Gods always smelled good: The installation title references the god Pan, who, as the primordial renegade, smelled bad. His animal presence was dismissed by Rene Descartes, and our relationship with the green environment irrevocably changed as a result of this. The installation involves four seemingly empty glass vessels (half alembic, and half perfume bottle in style), presented on clear plinths. The vessels contain four scent moments in King's Wood across the seasons, and were created in collaboration with Quest International using headspace technology (a highly sophisticated device which analyses and allows synthetic replication of smells). The results of this were combined by a perfumer, Dominique Le Lievre. The 'viewers' release the scent by moving past the vessels. The emphasis of this part of the project was on longing, on the invisible as opposed to the intangible. It also involved synthetically recreating the natural environment, and collapsing the annual cycle of seasons into a single space and time. Cage: The title refers to the fact that forests are designed as enclosures for animals, yet they cannot contain birds. The installation was a sound piece of birdsong – there were no visual components at all – and drew on research into why birds sing. Birdsong is also a good indicator of the overall health of a woodland. It is mostly produced by small birds that have to expend a huge amount of energy in producing the volume of sound required to transmit through the trees. Birds cannot sing unless they have sufficient food to eat. The 12-minute soundtrack, each minute equals a 24 hour cycle in a month in the year, is a condensed and idealised bird opera over a year. It operates as a time-map of bird movement and migration. Transpiration: During the residency it became apparent that grey squirrels (introduced to England a century ago), were devastating deciduous woodlands by stripping the bark in order to access the trees sap. Without sap, a tree cannot produce leaves or transpire. They are also driving the native red squirrel out of the southern parts of England, and diminishing bird populations by eating bird's eggs. The triptych links the two other installations, and takes their premise further by looking at trees to explore the contradictions and complexities of current ecological and political debates relating to woodlands. Sap and chlorophyll are taken as metaphors for the symbiotic nature of woodlands, and our complex relationships with them. The soundtrack involves a symphony of three different types of birdsong: - One is stretched (apparently birds interpret song at 3 times the speed that humans do, so can distinguish complex readings of the call/song). - One is in human real time - i.e. how we normally hear birdsong - One is synthetically created using a mobile phone Each video is a different length so that the each version of the birdsong soundtracks and visual narratives are perpetually re-evolving. The mobile phone birdsongs were created in collaboration with composer, Matthew King. A female and male (Adam and Eve?) dressed as red squirrels plant an apple tree. The introduction of an apple tree to an English woodland is not unusual – historically it is a by-product of a forester's or charcoal burner's lunch. As many of the arboreal laboratory experiments explored the borders of visibility, the only permanent sited work that Edwina wanted to add to King's Wood was another tree. Who would notice another one? The answer to this was that the resident fallow deer did. They immediately realized that the Wood's biodiversity had been added to, and promptly ate it.

Das bauliche Erbe der Befestigungs- und Verteidigungssysteme im SaarLorLux-Raum vom 16. Jahrhundert bis zum Zweiten Weltkrieg. Möglichkeiten und Probleme seiner Inwertsetzung unter besonderer Berücksichtigung freizeit- und tourismusorientierter Nutzungsformen. Seit der Teilung des karolingischen Großreichs 843 entwickelten sich in der heutigen Europaregion SaarLorLux vielfältige territoriale Auseinandersetzungen und zahlreiche Grenzverschiebungen, die zu einer außergewöhnlichen Konzentration von Festungs- und Verteidigungsanlagen aus verschiedenen Epochen in diesem Raum führten. Dass dies als einzigartig anzusehen ist, machte der Metzer Geograph Francois Reitel deutlich, der die Region SaarLorLux als "das größte Freilichtmuseum der Welt, was die Fortifikation angeht" bezeichnete. Kaum eine andere Region kann auf ähnlich eindrucksvolle Weise räumlich konzentriert die neuzeitliche Evolution des Festungswesens aus fünf Jahrhunderten dokumentieren. Die ausgeprägte epochale Vielfalt der Festungen macht sie für einen abwechslungsreichen Be-sichtigungstourismus interessant. Im SaarLorLux-Raum sind daher Freizeit und Tourismus wichtige Zielsetzungen für die Konversion von Festungs- und Verteidigungsanlagen. Sie bieten ein großes Freiraumpotential und stellen nur teilverbaute, extensiv oder gar nicht genutzte Flächenreserven dar. Es besteht jedoch eine große Diskrepanz zwischen vielen bisher stark vernachlässigten und wenigen, zum Teil hervorragend inwertgesetzten Festungsbauwerken. Damit besitzen die Festungsanlagen des Saar-LorLux-Raumes eine große Relevanz für den Kulturtourismus, die noch weitgehend unerkannt ist. Untersuchungsgegenstand der Dissertation sind insgesamt 333 Bauwerke aus den drei neuzeitlichen, feuerwaffengeprägten Festungsbauepochen. Im Einzelnen handelt es sich dabei um die Epoche der bastionären Festungsanlagen (16.-18. Jh.), die Epoche der Forts und Großfestungsanlagen (19.Jh.) und um die Epoche der Territorialfestungen (20. Jh.). Ein grundlegendes Ziel war die Erfassung der festungsbaulichen Substanz des SaarLorLux-Raumes zur Dokumentation von Art, Umfang, Funktion und Besonderheiten der vorhandenen Objekte. Die in der Bestandsaufnahme erfassten Bauwerke wurden hinsichtlich ihrer Eignung für besucherorientierte Nutzungsmöglichkeiten beurteilt. Dadurch war es möglich 25 Einzelfestungen und Ensembles zu identifizieren, die bislang noch keine Konversion erfahren haben, aber herausragende Potentiale für eine zukünftige Nutzung im Freizeit- und Tourismusbereich darstellen. Bereits festungstouristisch genutzte Anlagen werden analysiert und bewertet. Dabei finden die Vereine als hauptsächliche Träger der Erschließung und Inwertsetzung besondere Berücksichtigung. Nach Abschätzung der Stärken und Schwächen der aktuellen touristischen Strukturen werden freizeit- und tourismusorientierte Nutzungsperspektiven für das festungsbauliche Erbe des SaarLorLux-Raumes entwickelt. ; The edificial structures of fortification and defense systems in the SaarLorLux region (Saar, Lorraine, Luxembourg) from the 16th century to World War II. Potential and problems of revaluation taking into consideration the recreation and tourism-oriented forms of use. Since the dispartment of the Carolingian empire in 843, territorial conflicts and dislocation of borders in the European SaarLorLux region have as a consequence led to the extraordinary high concentration of fortification and defense structures of different eras in this region. The fact that this has to be considered as unique was made clear by the Metz geographer François Reitel. He signified the SaarLorLux region as the world- "largest open air museum concerning fortification." Barely another region is able to document the evolution of modern times" fortification during the last five hundred years in such an impressive manner. The distinct variety of this period of fortifications is what makes it interesting for a diverse sightseeing tourism. Within the SaarLorLux region, leisure and tourism are important objectives for the conversion of fortifications as well as structures of defense. Both offer a vast potential of space not integrated in communal planning and are just partially built-up areas, extensive or even completely waste grounds with a reserve potential. Still, there is a gap between many abandoned and few fortifications in good, sometimes even outstanding condition. Therewith, fortifications in the SaarLorLux area are of great importance for culture tourism and their value is not recognized yet. The dissertation- objects of investigation are 333 buildings built in the three modern epochs stamped by the use of guns. In detail, those epochs are the one of bastion defense structures (16th to 18th century), the one of forts and huge defense structures (19th century) and the one of the territorial defense structures (20th century). A basic goal was the registration of the defense structural equipment in the SaarLorLux region documenting the different types, extents, functions and specialties of the existing objects. The registered buildings were judged for their adequacy for tourist and visitor use. In this way, it was possible to identify 25 fortifications and ensembles which have not been object of a conversion yet, but still have a potential for a future use in the tourism and recreation sector. Objects already in touristy use were analyzed and evaluated. Associations and clubs as supporters of this development find special account. After an evaluation of strengths and weaknesses of the existing tourism structures, perspectives for a future recreational and tourism use of the fortification heritage as a whole were developed.

""Beyond the Boomerang" provides a substantial update and revision to one of the most prominent theories in transnational advocacy, Margaret E. Keck and Kathryn Sikkink's boomerang theory. Their 1998 book, Activists beyond Borders: Advocacy Networks in International Politics (Cornell University Press), remains one of the first broadly applicable theories for why groups of NGOs and interested individuals formed transnational advocacy networks. Keck and Sikkink argued that these networks formed when local NGOs (typically from the global South) faced local blockages, usually in the form of intransigent government officials, and reached out to international NGOs (typically from the global North) to rally international pressure on behalf of the local actors. Their book has been cited more than 12,000 times and is a standard text for graduate students around the world. Since publication, the empirical conditions that prompted their theory have changed. The types of actors involved in transnational advocacy have diversified. Northern NGOs have lost power and influence and been restricted in their access to southern states. Southern NGOs have developed a capacity to undertake advocacy on their own and often built closer relationships with their own governments. International institutions have become more open to southern NGOs and more skeptical of southern NGOs' claims to speak for southern populations. The result is that the boomerang theory, although still useful, no longer provides the broad explanation for advocacy. A wealth of recent articles (many by contributors to this volume) showed a growing scholarly recognition of the need for new theory. "Beyond the Boomerang" offers cutting-edge scholarship and synthesizes a new theoretical framework to develop a coherent, integrated picture of the current dynamics in global advocacy. "Beyond the Boomerang" editors Christopher Pallas and Elizabeth Bloodgood propose a new theory called transcalar advocacy. Contributors to this volume were asked to answer these questions: How does transcalar advocacy differ from older conceptions of transnational advocacy? Where and when does transcalar advocacy occur? Who initiates and participates in transcalar advocacy? When are alliances and partnerships created, if at all? How generalizable is the theory we are developing? The answers relayed in the chapters show that developments in two particular areas are reshaping the nature and impacts of transcalar advocacy. First, the global structures in which NGOs operate are shifting, in terms of the nature of power, who holds power, and the geographic locations where policies are made. This in turn suggests important shifts in where advocacy should be targeted. Second, the agency of NGOs is also changing. Advocates have a larger diversity of possible partners, strategies, and campaigns open to them, which produces a more widely variable set of behaviors and policy outcomes. The introduction discusses how historical theories of transnational advocacy have derived from specific empirical observations. The volume editors demonstrate how changing empirical conditions and new advocacy phenomena are not all well explained by historical approaches to transnational advocacy and thus require the development of new theory. Chapters in Part I look at changes in the architecture of global governance (which alter the playing field for advocates), and chapters in Part II examine changes in the agency of advocates (which alter the roles and capacities of the players). A volume conclusion provides a new theory to integrate and model these trends. To demonstrate the applicability and relevance of its core theoretical insights, the case studies are global in scope, with data from Latin America, Africa, Europe, and Asia, and with several chapters featuring cross-national comparison. The chapters highlight the wide variety of actors involved in advocacy work, including NGOs, social movements, international institutions, governments, and businesses. Contributors use both qualitative and quantitative methodologies and bring to bear insights from political science, international relations, and sociology. The case studies also include a wide variety of issue areas, from women's rights to environmental protection, sustainable agriculture, health policy, and democracy promotion"--

Uluslararası ilişkiler boyutunda Ulus-Devlet anlayışının başlangıç noktası olarak görülen Fransız Devrimi, her ulusun kendi kaderini tayin etmesi (self-determination) hakkını ortaya koymuş ve sınırları belirlenmiş toprak parçası üzerinde yaşanılan ortak alanı "Ulus-Devlet" olarak belirtmiştir. Kendi kaderini tayin etme hakkının yaygın bir şekilde gündeme geldiği bölgelerden biri de Kafkasya'dır Tarihsel süreç içerisinde Rusya ve Gürcistan ekseninde yaşanan Abhazya ve Osetya (Güney) sorunu da ulusların kendi kaderini tayin etmesi kapsamındaki gelişmelerin en açık örneklerindendir. Bu problemin farklı yüzyıllarda ortaya çıkması, kategorize etme yöntemine gidilmesi, olayların perspektiflerini daha açık bir şekilde değerlendirmemize yardımcı olabilir. Bunlar, Çarlık Rusyası, SSCB Dönemi ve Rusya Federasyonu dönemleri olarak gösterilir. Bu dönemlerin her birinde Abhazya ve Güney Osetya sorunu siyasi, sosyal ve ekonomik açıdan farklılıklar göstermiştir. Abhazya ve Güney Osetya sorunu; alan mücadelesi, toprak bütünlüğü etnik çatışmalar, asimilasyon, çözümsüzlük, liderlerin dönemlerine göre değişken politikayla şekillenmesi gibi birçok mücadeleyi kendi içinde barındırmaktadır. Abhazya ve Güney Osetya sorunu, Rusya ve Gürcistan arasında geçmişten günümüze süregelen bir sorun olmuştur. Çarlık Rusya'sı Abhaz ve Oset (Güney) yönetimlerini lağvedip söz konusu bölgeleri topraklarına katmıştır. SSCB döneminde yönetimsel dayatmayla Abhazlar Cumhuriyet statüsünden çıkartılıp özerklik statüsüyle Gürcistan Sovyet Sosyalist Cumhuriyetine (GSSC) bağlanmıştır. Osetler, Gürcistan Sovyet Cumhuriyeti Merkezî Yüksek İcra Komitesi Kararnamesi tarafından otonom bölge olmuştur. 1990 yılından sonra bağımsızlıklarını savaşarak almaya çalışan Abhazlar ve Osetler (Güney), günümüzde -Rusya Federasyonunun da etkisiyle- uluslararası alanda 7 ülke tarafından tanınmaktadır. Bu çalışma nitel (Örnek Olay ve Saha Araştırması), nicel (Bağıntısal ve Tarihsel) araştırma yöntemleriyle; Abhazya ve Güney Osetya aktörlerinin tarihçesini analiz etmek, aktörlerin bu sorun karşısında temel yaklaşımlarını öğrenmek, sürekli değişkenlik gösteren politikalarının nedenlerini araştırmak, dönemsel yaşanan sorunların "Neden? Nasıl: Hangi politik hamleler/stratejiler/stratejiler sonucunda?" ortaya çıktığını anlamada/açıklamada yol gösterici bir analizi ortaya koymak amacı gütmektedir. ; ABKHAZIA AND OSSETIA (SOUTH) PROBLEM BETWEEN 2000 AND 2018 IN THE CONTEXT OF HISTORY AND RELATIONS The French Revolution, seen as the starting point of the " nation-state" concept in the dimension of international relations, is defined as the " common space" that is lived on the territory of each nation's self-determination and its borders. One of the regions in which the right to self-determination is widely raised is the Caucasus. The "Abkhazia and Ossetia (South)" problem in the axis of Russia and Georgia in the historical process is one of the most obvious examples of these developments. The emergence of this problem in different centuries, the way to categorize, can help us to assess the perspectives of events more clearly. These are shown as tsarist Russia, USSR and Russian Federation periods. In each of these periods, the issue of " Abkhazia and Ossetia (South)" has differed politically, socially and economically. Abkhazia and Ossetia (South) have many struggles, such as " field struggle", "territorial integrity", "ethnic conflicts", " assimilation", "non-solution", " shaping the leaders with variable politics according to their periods". This has been a continuing problem between Russia and Georgia from the past to the present. Tsarist Russia has abolished the "Abkhaz and osseti" administrations and added them to its lands. During the period of the USSR, the Abkhazians were connected with the status of "autonomy" from the status of "Republic" to the Soviet Socialist Republic of Georgia (GSSC). The Ossetians (South) became "autonomous region" by the decision of the Supreme Executive Committee of the Central Soviet Republic of Georgia. Abkhazians and Ossetians (south), who tried to get their independence by fighting after 1990 years, are now recognized in the international arena (by 7 countries) under the influence of Russian Federation. This study aims to analyze the history of "Abkhazia and Ossetia ( South)" actors through qualitative (case studies and field research), quantitative (relational and historical) research methods, to learn the basic approaches of actors to this problem, to investigate the reasons of policies that show continuity of variability, to investigate the reasons of the periodical problems"? How? Why?" it was made to understand that it appeared

Defence date: 5 June 2017 ; Examining Board: Prof Lucy Riall, European University Institute (Supervisor); Prof Ann Thomson, European University Institute (Second reader); Prof Alan S. Kahan, Université de Versailles Saint-Quentin-en-Yvelines; Dr David Todd, King's College London ; This thesis investigates liberal responses to French expansionism during Napoleon III's Second Empire, focusing on three of its main imperialist ventures in the late 1850s and the 1860s: Algeria, a colony inherited from the times of Charles X, whose colonisation received a great boost in the 1860s; Cochinchina, the main step of France's imperialism towards Asia; and Mexico, Napoleon III's personal dream for France in America, started as the alleged greatest project of the Empire which, however, ended in great failure. The focus of this study is not on individuals generally acknowledged as main liberal thinkers, politicians or philosophers but on a group of less-celebrated individuals who developed their professional activity both in parliament (the Corps législatif) and the press. The aim is to highlight how liberal languages and discourses in their specific context contributed to the development and the shaping of liberal thinking and political culture in the 1860s with regard to imperial expansionism. This dissertation seeks to tie in with the historiographical trend which sees intellectual and political history not as distinct fields, but as two inseparable sides of the same coin. In a period in which the Second Empire was experiencing a process of increasing internal liberalisation in a number of political, social and economic fields, the Empire's means of repression and social control were still active. Censorship was commonplace in 1860s France, making it very difficult for those opposing the regime to express their ideas and concerns. However, thanks to several steps made towards opening up the regime politically from 1860 onwards, opposition deputies—including especially the liberals—were able to express in parliament their claims and objections. Whereas some social issues remained difficult to tackle, I argue that liberals found in the Empire's imperialist endeavours an appropriate space to channel their dissatisfaction with the Bonapartists' way of conceiving, ruling and managing the country. The Second Empire's colonial project on all continents fostered an intense ideological debate that transcended the borders of a simple partisan confrontation. It rather revealed the existence of two political cultures in quest of social legitimation: liberal and Bonapartist. This thesis aims to bring together a history of nineteenth-century French imperialist ventures and a history of modern liberal political culture. No scholarly works have focused on the way in which French liberal thinkers, politicians or publicists imagined their empire in the 1860s, how they responded to Napoleon III's will to expand France's power and influence across oceans and continents with an intensity never seen before. This dissertation contributes to filling in this gap by tackling the liberal response to French expansionism with regard to three thematic areas: the role of France in the world; trade and finances; and religion. European politics aside, overseas ventures marked France's foreign policy in the 1860s. The Second Empire's project to expand France's influence in the world through various systems of domination and control over peoples on virtually all continents became an issue of political debate that all forces of opposition, namely liberals, could not escape. Imperialist ventures became an important issue of political debate under the Second Empire and acted as a sort of 'hegemony' that liberals needed to confront, either opposing or supporting it. In this thesis, I argue that they did so, taking the opportunity to use the debates on expansionism in their own favour. Through discussing a wide range of social, economic and political topics related to France's imperialism in Africa, Asia and America during the 1860s, liberals succeeded in presenting to the public an alternative model of government to the one represented by the Bonapartists in power.

This dissertation analyses the Ukrainian community in Germany and Canada after the Second World War in the context of diaspora theories. For the time period of this study, Ukrainians can be labeled a diaspora group because they fulfilled the main criteria of a diaspora existence. They were scattered across the globe and determined to maintain their heritage outside the borders of Ukraine. Furthermore, they employed lobbying on behalf of the homeland and developed a collective subject in the diaspora, namely the independence of Ukraine. However, this study has also shown that the attitude of the host country and the size of the group influence whether a diaspora group turns out to be active or passive. Although critical mass stands out as one of the most important issues, the subject is complex and can not be reduced entirely to this aspect. Recapping the particularities in both countries, it becomes obvious that different factors were intertwined and interacted. The group of Ukrainians in Germany consisted mostly of old, very young, or sick people, it was very small and had no roots in the country, all facts that hampered institutional development. Furthermore, its members were part of a 'negative selection' and not welcomed by the host society. And the strong Ukrainian anti-Soviet attitude and ensuing political activities could also lead to strained relations with the German government, especially once the latter became more interested in its Ostpolitik during the early 1970s. The origin of the group as forced laborers and the government's disinterest in drawing the community closer into German society further prevented an identification with the country. In contrast, by 1951 Ukrainians in Canada looked back on 60 years of settlement in the country that had resulted in a numerically strong group and an extensive network of Ukrainian institutions and organizations. Already during the Second World War, Ukrainian Canadians discovered lobbying as a way of communicating their concerns to the government, a trend that they continued in the postwar period. All those Ukrainians who immigrated to the country after the Second World War were part of a labor migration. They were young, active, and capable of finding work in their fields, thereby quickly becoming self-sufficient. The attitude of the Canadian government, the history of Ukrainian settlement in the country, and the developing multiculturalism discussion of the 1960s allowed for an incorporation of Ukrainian as well as Canadian features into their overall discourse, thereby making an identification with the country possible and easing their activities in the country. Both aspects of critical mass as well as government policy worked in favor of the group in Canada and hampered the group in Germany. The process of building a new home abroad turned out to be more complicated for Ukrainians in Germany than for Ukrainians in Canada. ; Diese Dissertation untersucht die ukrainische Gemeinschaft in Deutschland und Kanada nach dem zweiten Weltkrieg im Kontext von Diasporatheorien. Für den Zeitraum dieser Studie können Ukrainer als Diasporagruppe definiert werden, da sie vier der Hauptkriterien einer Diasporaexistenz erfüllen. Sie lebten geographisch verstreut und waren entschlossen, ihr kulturelles Erbe auch außerhalb der Grenzen der Ukraine aufrecht zu erhalten; sie betrieben Lobbyarbeit und entwickelten ein kollektives Ziel, nämlich die Unabhängigkeit der Ukraine. Allerdings hat diese Studie auch gezeigt, dass die Einstellung des Gastlandes und die Größe der Gruppe einen Einfluß darauf hat, ob eine Diasporagruppe aktiv oder passiv ist. Obwohl die kritische Masse der Gruppe als einer der wichtigsten Aspekte heraussticht, ist das Thema komplex und kann nicht allein auf dieses Kriterium reduziert werden. Wenn man die Besonderheiten in Kanada und Deutschland betrachtet wird deutlich, dass verschiedene Faktoren zusammenwirkten. Die zahlenmäßig kleine Gruppe der Ukrainer in Deutschland bestand meist aus alten, sehr jungen, oder aber kranken Mitgliedern, die keine Wurzeln im Land hatten. Ferner waren Ukrainer Teil einer "Negativauslese" und im Land selbst nicht willkommen. Und besonders während der Phase der Ostpolitik führten ihre starke anti-sowjetische Haltung und politischen Aktivitäten teilweise zu Spannungen mit der deutschen Regierung. Der Ursprung der Gruppe als Zwangsarbeiter und das Desinteresse der Regierung an einer Integration der heimatlosen Ausländer verhinderten zudem eine Identifikation mit dem Land. Im Gegensatz dazu waren die Ukrainer in Kanada eine zahlenmäßig starke, etablierte Gruppe die 1951 auf 60 Jahre Siedlungsgeschichte und ein breites Netzwerk von Organisationen zurückblicken konnte. Bereits während des zweiten Weltkrieges hatte die Gemeinschaft Lobbyarbeit betrieben, um die kanadische Regierung auf Probleme aufmerksam zu machen, ein Trend, den sie auch in der Nachkriegszeit fortsetzte. Die sogenannte dritte Welle, die nach dem Krieg nach Kanada emigrierte, bestand zum größten Teil aus Arbeitsmigranten, also jungen, aktiven Menschen die in der Lage waren, sich im Land zu etablieren und Arbeit zu finden. Die Einstellung der kanadischen Regierung, die ukrainische Siedlungsgeschichte im Land und die sich entwickelnde Multikulturalismusdiskussion der 60er Jahre gaben Impulse für Aktivitäten der Gemeinschaft und trugen dazu bei, dass sich Ukrainer in Kanada mit dem Land identifizierten. Sowohl der Aspekt der kritischen Masse als auch die Einstellung der Regierung begünstigten die Entwicklung der Gruppe in Kanada und erschwerten den Prozess für die Gruppe in Deutschland. So fiel es Ukrainern in Kanada leichter, sich eine neue Heimat in der Fremde aufzubauen.

ÖZETBu tezde 1960 Kıbrıs Cumhuriyeti'nin tarihsel süreci incelenmiştir.Bu sürecin incelenmesinde toplumlar arasındaki olaylar kadar ikiAnavatan Türkiye ve Yunanistan'ın birbirleriyle,uluslararasıkamuoyuyla ve iki toplumla olan ilişkileri de dikkate alınmıştır."Etnik kökenli sürecin ve uluslararası faktörlerin oluşturduğufederasyon öncesi koşullar" kısmında 1959 Londra Konferansına kadarolan süreç anlatılmıştır. Bu süreç anlatılırken hem Kıbrıs'ın durumuhem de II. Dünya Savaşı sonrasında ortaya çıkan yeni sistem 'İkiKutuplu Dünya'daki gelişmeler bağlamında Türkiye ve Yunanistan'ındurumu dikkate alınmıştır. Bu bölümde Türkiye'nin kendi içindekisiyasi sorunlarına da yer verilmiş bunu yaparken Türkiye'nin Kıbrıs'adair bakış açısı ve tutumu kavranmaya çalışılmıştır.Kıbrıs tarihindeönemli bir yere sahip olan AKEL ve KATAK'ın tarihsel bütünlük içindefikirlerine yer verilmiştir.1950 plebisiti ve sonuçları anlatılmışRum toplumunun beklentileri netleştirilmeye çalışılmıştır.Burayakadar olan süreçte gerek toplumlararası çatışmalar gerek iki Anavatanarasındaki soğuk rüzgarlar, Rum toplumunun gerçekleştirmek istediğiEnosis düşüncesinden kaynaklanmıştır. Bu yüzden birinci kısımdaEnosis fikrinin nasıl ortaya çıktığı ve milli karakterlerin oluşumununasıl etkilediği üzerinde de durulmuştur.Londra Konferansı ve Radcliffe anayasa taslağı, tarafların uzlaşıarayan çabalarının ürünleri olarak kayda değer gelişmelerdir. Federalbir çözümün temeli olan Londra ve Zürih antlaşmalarına da bu kısımdayerverilmiştir.İkinci kısımda iki tarafın bakış açısı ve ortaya koydukları tepkilerüzerinde durulmuştur. Kıbrıs Cumhuriyeti'ni kuran antlaşmalar;İttifak ve Garanti antlaşmalarına değinilmiş ayrıca Rum kesimininGaranti antlaşmasına olan itirazları da ele alınmıştır. FederalKıbrıs Cumhuriyeti anayasasının yetki ve organ dağılımı yanındafederal yapıya getirilen çeşitli eleştirilere yer verilmiştir.Federasyonun daha genel bir değerlendirmesi son bölümde yapılmış vediğer federasyon örneklerine bakış açıları incelenmiş, çeşitliyaklaşımlara değinilmiştir. İsviçre ve A.B.D.'deki federal yapılarada örnek olarak yer verilmiştir. Sonuç bölümünde KıbrısCumhuriyeti'nin sahip olduğu kriterler tarihsel perspektif içerisindeyorumlanmıştır.ABSTRACTIn this thesis, the historical process of the Republic of Cyprus 1960 is examined. Throughout this examination, as well as the events happened between the two communities, the relations of the mother countries, Turkey and Greece, with each other and with international publicity and the two communities were taken into consideration. In the part "The conditions, which were created by ethnical and international factors prior to federation", the process until the 1959 London Conference is described. While this matter was being discussed, the conditions in Cyprus, Greece and Turkey after the II. World War which caused a new system to come into being under the name of 'two-poled world" (i.e. West Block and East Block) was taken into consideration. In this part the political struggle within the borders of Turkey was illustrated and besides, the attitude of Turkey towards Cyprus was tried to be understood. The aims of AKEL and KATAK (Which had important roles in the history of Cyprus) took place in this thesis. The plebiscite of 1950, its consequences and the expectation of the Greek Cypriots have been explained. Until this period, either the conflicts between the nations, or uneasiness between the two mother countries was because of the aim of the Greek Cypriot Community, Enosis. For this reason, in the first section, how the claim of Enosis first came into being, and how this had an effect on the formation of their national characters was discussed. The London Conference and the "Radcliffe Constitution outline" were important steps for both sides in order to reach an agreement. London and Zurich Agreements, which were the basis' for a federal solution, took place in the 3rd part. Both sides' opinions and their reactions were discussed. The agreements, which established the Republic of Cyprus - the treaty of Alliance and the treaty of guarantee- were touched on, and the Greek Community's rejection of the treaty of guarantee was explained. Beside the distribution of authority of the constitution of the federal Republic of Cyprus, the criticism about the federal structure was illustrated. A more general evaluation for the federal system is given in the last part, and their opinion about other federations throughout the world and their approaches are also mentioned. USA and Switzerland are given as examples. In the conclusion part, the criteria of the Republic of Cyprus were illustrated with historical perspective.

Hamas' barbaric attack on 7 October and Israel's ruthless retaliation against Hamas and Gaza Strip residents are unprecedented shocking events in their severity, repercussions and impact on both peoples' collective memory. Only few of those Israelis who agreed that Hamas underwent a political change since 2017[1] – when it issued its Document of General Principles and Policies[2] – still maintain that view. Similarly, Western government officials who engaged in direct or indirect dialogue with Hamas claim that the crimes it committed on 7 October were driven by its adherence to a fundamentalist Islamic ideology inspired by ISIS.An aftermath of contradictory feelings
The majority of the Israeli public justifies Israel's harsh retaliation and even supports escalating the attack to the extent of deporting as many Gaza residents as possible to Egypt and demolishing their remaining structures. Palestinian public reactions vary widely and can coexist within the same individual. Privately, Palestinians criticise Hamas for the widespread harm to civilians and the kidnapping of women and children. Some express anger towards Hamas for not considering the severe destruction and casualties Israel would inflict in response, holding Hamas responsible for the catastrophic consequences of the war.
Simultaneously, there is pride in the fact that no Palestinian organisation or Arab state has hit Israel with such force since 1948, avoiding turning the Israeli-Palestinian conflict into a regional and international confrontation. Unlike the failing Palestinian Authority and Fatah, which collaborate with the occupation, Hamas fighters have exposed Israel's technological and intelligence weaknesses with simple weapons, precise planning and high motivation. There is also satisfaction that Israel is experiencing suffering similar to what Palestinians have endured for many years. Emotions and thoughts are mixed and contradictory.
To somewhat reconcile these contradictions, the Palestinian narrative overemphasises media reports about civilian casualties caused by the Israeli Defence Forces (IDF) and attributes most of the war crimes committed on 7 October to the chaos caused by the rapid and unexpected collapse of Israel's defence system. Yet, the underlying question remains unanswered: What does Hamas seek to achieve by its attack and what does it suggest for the day after?Hamas's official narrative: The attack as "plan B"
Hamas's leadership has felt obligated to provide accountability in a carefully crafted briefing document in English and Arabic titled Our Narrative – Operation al-Aqsa Flood. The briefing document is an official, well-designed piece, both visually and meticulously edited, bearing the signature of Hamas's communication office. It comprises 16 pages with five chapters. Hamas deems it important that its version of the war is heard and understood, not only by the Palestinians but also within the international political arena.
Hamas emphasises its commitment to the principles and policies outlined in its 2017 Document where it accepted the Oslo Accords as an existing political fact. Furthermore, unlike the movement's founding Covenant of 1988, the 2023 briefing document does not extensively refer to Allah's will as expressed in the Quran.
Most importantly, against the anti-Semitic context in which Israel places Hamas, the briefing document stresses that Hamas fights against Zionism, not Jews, challenging Israel's argument that Judaism and Zionism are identical. Hamas strives to distance itself from anti-Semitism and asserts its opposition to suppressing anyone's universal right to define their national, religious or collective identity. However, Hamas ignores answering why then it rejects the Jews' right to self-determination.
Twice in the briefing document Hamas presents itself, as it did in 2017, as a national liberation movement, legitimising its struggle through the right to self-determination. However, only once does it add the title "Islamic" to its characterisation as a national liberation movement. Islam provides a framework but does not serve as the exclusive or decisive principle in its policy. It is worth noting that Hamas differs in this regard from religious Zionism and Jewish supremacy Israeli parties as the latter's political worldview is based on ethno-religious exceptionalism rather than universal values or rights.[3]
Khaled Mashal – the former chief of Hamas's political bureau and current leader of Hamas's diaspora office – recently stated that the movement refuses to grant legitimacy to Israel within the 1948 borders as part of a two-state solution.[4] Even if it remains a dream, the movement does not give up on the aspiration to control this territory one day. At one point, however, Mashal mentioned that in the 2017 Policy and Principles Document, Hamas recognised that the Palestinian, Arab and international consensus supports the establishment of a state within the 1967 borders, with East Jerusalem as its capital. Hamas accepts this under the condition that there is no waiver of the right of return.[5]
Hamas states in the briefing document that its struggle is not only for liberating 1967 territories. The historical account it presents refers to colonialist Zionism that displaced Palestinians from their homeland, including within the territories of 1948. This is the overall context for the attack carried out on 7 October which went beyond 1967 occupied territories. The specific context is the necessity to break the stranglehold that Israel has imposed on Gaza Strip since 2007, with the implicit or explicit support of the West. The document expresses a sharp sense of emergency. Israel undermined the Oslo Accords and openly declares its opposition to a Palestinian state. The extreme right in Israel, currently in control, plans to annex the West Bank and expel its residents, while the world keeps silent. It was imperative to take the initiative, to confront the occupation with determination. Thus, the attack is presented as plan B, not the preferred option.An unconvincing enough excuse
Like the Palestinian population in general, the crimes committed on 7 October embarrass Hamas, and the movement feels an obligation to disassociate itself from them. It notes, apologetically, that, in accordance with Islamic values, instructions were given not to harm women, children and the elderly. According to the briefing document, Hamas fighters did not assault women or slaughter infants. The attack aimed to target military objectives and capture only soldiers, including men who are, according to Hamas, potentially IDF reservists and armed settlements defenders. If there were casualties among non-combatants, it was unintentional during an impossible-to-control military confrontation.
Acknowledging that this is an unconvincing enough excuse, in the briefing document, Hamas admits that its forces may have made mistakes, but these errors occurred due to the rapid and unexpected collapse of the Israeli defence system and the ensuing chaos. To strengthen its claim, the document states that Hamas treated civilian captives with dignity, as attested by the released hostages. The Israeli army, on the other hand, systematically targets civilians, and the document states that in its heavy bombardments, nearly 60 Israeli hostages were also killed. It is worth noting that, unlike the popular Palestinian narrative, which tends to blame the mob who entered Israel following the fighters for war crimes, Hamas's document avoids doing so. The movement does not want to create animosity between itself and the population.Planning for the post-conflict
Appealing to the international community, Hamas implicitly states that it is ready to be investigated by the International Criminal Court (ICC) alongside Israel's crimes against Palestinian civilians. Hamas calls for the international community to put pressure on Israel to end the occupation and abide by international law. It indirectly addresses intense discussions about the post-fighting order, emphasising that only the Palestinian people have the right to decide who will rule Gaza Strip through elections. This statement is crucial for post-conflict planning. Hamas does not insist on remaining exclusively in power under any condition but to let the people vote even if it means losing some or all of its current power.
In other words, Hamas does not rule out the return of the Palestinian Authority, revised or the old dysfunctional one, to Gaza Strip, leaving the decision to the Palestinian people. However, it warns that any institution or reconstruction agency for Gaza Strip not supported by the public will be considered cooperating with the occupation and subject to attack.
Accepting the people's vote is an old guiding principle that helped Hamas adjust itself to the reality that the Oslo Accords created and accelerated its politicisation by providing it with political leeway. Indeed, in February and March 2021, Fatah and Hamas had reached an agreement to hold elections for the presidency of the Palestinian Authority, its Legislative Council and Hamas's entry into the PLO. The elections were planned to take place in accordance with the Oslo Accords, after which negotiations would continue with Israel toward the establishment of a Palestinian state. But Israel and the United States wrongly exerted heavy pressure on Abbas to cancel them.
Planning the day after, elections with de-militarised or indirect Hamas participation should be considered. It is impossible to ignore Hamas. The Israeli extra aggression increased Hamas's popularity in Palestine to the extent that Fatah once enjoyed. Israel may end the war destroying Hamas's ruling administration and its semi-regular army but not its transformation to anti-occupation guerrilla units operating inside their homeland and among supportive communities. No local alternative administration that Israel hopes to establish in collaboration with its occupation or an external one run by Arab countries and UN agencies, nor the old or renewed Palestinian Authority would be ready or capable to rule and reconstruct Gaza Strip against Hamas's resistance. Israel's aggressive war, most probably, will push young Gaza Strip men to join the guerrilla fighting. Thus, Hamas enjoys veto power over any plan that totally excludes it.
As its 2017 General Principles and Policies Document, Hamas's recent briefing document signals that Hamas accepts positions approved by the majority of the Palestinians. General elections are a key instrument if not a precondition for successful reconstruction of Gaza. Hamas's agreement with Fatah in 2021 shows that it wishes to integrate into the political institutions established by the Oslo Accords. Instead of closing the door on its face, it is better to ask Hamas to pay for its entrance, as Israel will have to. The two-state solution terms and conditions that recently came back from the dead can serve as the price that the international community asks both sides to pay.Menachem Klein is Professor Emeritus in the Department of Political Science at Bar-Ilan University, Israel.[1] In its 2017 Document of General Principles and Policies, Hamas significantly deviated from the fundamentalist views outlined in the group's original Charter from 1987, and indicated that if the Chairman of the Palestinian National Authority Mahmoud Abbas presented a permanent status agreement with Israel that included a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders, in line with the Arab League's plan, Hamas would likely accept the new reality. See Menachem Klein, "Hamas' New Charter Reveals a Willingness to Change", in +972 Magazine, 10 April 2017, https://www.972mag.com/?p=126572.[2] "Hamas in 2017: The Document in Full", in Middle East Eye, 2 May 2017, https://www.middleeasteye.net/news/hamas-2017-document-full.[3] See the Religious Zionist Party website: Party Platform, https://zionutdatit.org.il/?p=3041; Otzma Yehudit website: The Political Platform of Otzma Yehudit, https://ozma-yeudit.com/?p=1520.[4] "Hamas Leader Abroad Khaled Mashal: 'We Reject the Two-State Solution; October 7 Proved that Liberating Palestine from the River to the Sea Is Realistic and Has Already Begun'", in MEMRI TV, 18 January 2024, https://www.memri.org/node/63957.[5] It is important to emphasise that this is not a return to the phased plan of the Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO) from 1974 since Hamas links the realisation of the dream to the existence of internal, Arab and international consensus, whereas in the PLO's phased plan, the transition between stages was open and not contingent on occasional political factors.