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Following geographically concentrated changes in housing markets, real estate prices have skyrocketed in many cities and metropolitan areas across Germany. These developments have not only shifted the macro-level distribution of asset wealth among homeowners but have also resulted in price spikes in rental markets, which in turn have intensified social and economic risks among renters. This preregistered study aims to provide a theoretical rationale for, and first-time insights into, the determinants of individual preferences for rent control. It argues that policy preferences are shaped by individuals' economic and geographic positions in the housing market. It not only explores differences between homeowners and renters but also considers how heterogeneity in exposure to the burden of rental costs - structured by local rents and disposable income - explains differences within the group of renters. The results reveal the precedence of egotropic considerations over geotropic effects of common market exposures. Homeowners oppose rent control far more strongly than renters do, whose support for rent control is primarily a function of income. Market rents, in contrast, only heighten support for rent control among low-income renters. These findings deepen our understanding of the politicization of housing policy in Germany and advance important debates on political reactions to housing markets.

The purpose of this study is to identify the similarities and differences between the political philosophy ofPlato and political philosophy of Aristotle. Such comparative study is very important for politicalthought in general. The main significance of this paper is the precise meaning of the political philosophyof Plato and political philosophy of Aristotle, as well as the meaning of differences and similarities.Often, Plato's political ideas appear as Aristotle political ideas, and Aristotle's political ideas appear asPlato's political ideas. The main method of study in this paper is the comparison method. The ancientpolitical debate between Plato and Aristotle is important to modern political philosophy as it is the basisof modern political theories. The data for paper are taken from the books of these two authors. Thepolitical philosophy of Plato and Aristotle, although they have similarities in some points, but differ inmany other issues, such as: different categories of political analysis, different methodologies of policystudy, and different reasons for state creation, different opinions why democracy is a bad form ofgovernment and why aristocracy is the right form.

This thesis consists of an introduction and three stand-alone essays. In the introduction I discuss the commonalities between the three essays. Essay I charts the the main political cleavages among 59 Swedish unions and business organizations. The main conclusion is that there appear to exist two economic sources of political cleavage: The traded versus the nontraded divide and the labor versus capital divide. Essay II suggests a political rationale for why strikes have been more common in those OECD countries where the legislature is elected in single member districts (e.g. France, Great Britain) than where it was elected by proportional representation (e.g. Sweden, Netherlands). In Essay III I present a theoretical model of political support for different types of labor market regulations. From it I recover two implications: Support for industrial relations legislation that enables unions to bid up wages should be inversely related to the economy's openness, while support for employment protection legislation should be positively related to the size of the unionized sector. Empirical evidence from a cross-section of 70 countries match my theoretical priors.

The author examines theoretical essence and methodological specificity of the political expert's professional activities, seeing the expert as a self-sufficient party of political analyutics. The author maintains that political expert, in their professional activities, is guided mainly by qualitative methods and procedures of research, worked out by the analysis of politics, rather than quantitative ones, which are more of use for the political analyst. The former also actively uses their own superindividual intellectual faculties, professional knowledge, and personal experience.

Critics claim that journalists spread a cynical view of politics, as their relation with politicians is characterized by mistrust and hyper-adversarialism. To gain an insight into how cynical journalists themselves are about politics and how this can be explained, this article investigates the role relationship between politicians and journalists in four European countries with different political communication systems. The empirical basis for the study is a survey of over 400 political reporters from the UK, Denmark, Germany and Spain. Compared to their colleagues in Northern Europe, Spanish journalists have the most cynical view of politicians, which can partly be explained by feelings of political pressure. Journalists are cynical when they have a negative view of the role of spin doctors and believe that politicians use the media as a podium where they can be in the spotlight. The possible influence of journalists' political attitudes on news content is discussed.

In a survey experiment, political interest reports declined when preceded by political knowledge questions. The effect was stronger among women and those of less education, income, and age. The effect was lessened when buffering knowledge from interest items were questions evaluating how well politicians and media keep one informed, where they could serve as excuses for cognitive dissonance. Placed before the knowledge items, however, the evaluations exacerbated rather than alleviated the effect. Findings point both to priming as a general explanation for context effects and to the limitation of priming as an explanation for specific effects.

Two major approaches to political leadership recruitment - one concentrating on the role of structural political variables and features of the incumbent elite and the other on the socioeconomic attributes of contenders and aspirants - are confronted. It is proposed that the core of the dispute between the two approaches lies in differing conceptions regarding the nature of the link between social and political divisions; the nature of this relationship is explored. Using Janda's (1980) measures for the social composition of party support, three modes of the relationship between social and political divisions are discerned and defined as non-structural, uni-structural and bi- or multi-structural parties. Each type is examined for its implications on the processes of local political leadership recruitment. The findings lend support to the two major hypotheses: (a) when political divisions are not based on social divisions, political variables are more useful in explaining political leadership recruitment; and (b) when political divisions are based on social divisions, socioeconomic variables explain more variance in leadership recruitment.

In this article, we consider some of the ways in which the literature on political consumerism distinguishes this type of activism from social movements of the past. We then use three-old and three recent U.S. examples of mobilization focused on food to highlight variations across cases-old and new-in how consumption-based identities are politicized and in how these movements are organized. We recommend using these variations in analytical properties, rather than broadly defined temporal periods, as the starting point for sorting and comparing cases of political consumerism. Adapted from the source document.