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It is a truism that the science of law proper – the science dealing with the United States or the law of Great Britain, one finds the whole science based on the fact of the existence of a political society known as the United States or Great Britain, which formulates, applies and enforces the law which governs these nations in their internal relations. When one enters upon the study of what is called international law, one finds himself expected to accept as a fundamental proposition that there is no political society which formulates, applies and enforces the law which he is told governs all nations in their external relations, and that this law is formulated, applied and enforced among or between the nations. This difference in fundamentals leads to corresponding differences in the derivative notions. Practitioners of law proper take little or no interest in what is called international law. From their point of view, that which is called international law is only a collection of the rules of a highly interesting game, success in which depends largely upon "face " and personality; nor can it be denied that there is much to justify this opinion. Students of law reflect the attitude of mind of the practitioner, and the great majority of students end their legal education when they finish the courses in national domestic law, giving no consideration to the law which governs the actions and relations of the nations.

International Business in Times of Crisis classifies studies of crises relevant to international business research following a global pandemic which exposed systems failures and fragilities closely across global economic, financial, political, and social systems.

Les négociations internationales sur le commerce agricole patinent. Pour les sortir de l'ornière, les auteurs proposent que les pays qui protègent leur agriculture versent une compensation, sous forme de taxe, aux pays du Sud lésés par leur politique. Et ils montrent que cette compensation permet d'accroître le bien-être global.

Les négociations internationales sur le commerce agricole patinent. Pour les sortir de l'ornière, les auteurs proposent que les pays qui protègent leur agriculture versent une compensation, sous forme de taxe, aux pays du Sud lésés par leur politique. Et ils montrent que cette compensation permet d'accroître le bien-être global.

Les négociations internationales sur le commerce agricole patinent. Pour les sortir de l'ornière, les auteurs proposent que les pays qui protègent leur agriculture versent une compensation, sous forme de taxe, aux pays du Sud lésés par leur politique. Et ils montrent que cette compensation permet d'accroître le bien-être global.

South Korea recently hosted two major international events: the High Level Forum on Aid Effectiveness in December 2011 and the Nuclear Security Summit in March 2012. Both meetings underscore South Korea's ambitions to increase its involvement in global development assistance and security. The Korean president Lee Myung-bak is pursuing a policy of international contributions with his "Global Korea" national security strategy. Foreign deployments of the South Korean military and an increase in development assistance are expressions of this policy. However, not only humanitarian
reasons, but also the desire for global visibility, recognition and influence play
a role in this context. South Korea joined the OECD's Development Assistance Committee at the end of 2009; ten years previously this committee had still classified the
country as a recipient state. When deploying its military to foreign countries, South Korea's priorities are non-military assignments such as civil reconstruction, political consulting or medical support. The activities in the field of development assistance and security constitute core elements in the expansion of the country's role in international relations. Considering South Korea's economic and political development since the state's inception in 1945, its further ascent in global politics cannot be ruled out.

Can international peacemaking efforts succeed in an intractable conflict such as the one in Venezuela? In this paper we put forward a conceptualization of peacemaking processes that underlines their ability to creatively change the terms of a conflict. Then we look at the four dialogue and negotiation processes that have occurred during the government of Nicolás Maduro. Our review shows that while it is clear that the Maduro government uses dialogue processes as a delay tactic through which it can divide and demobilize the opposition, clear progress has been made in the mediators' ability to generate concrete articulation and discussion of the conflicting parties' demands. However, international allies on each side of the conflict are affecting the calculations of the two sides, working against an agreement. Resumen: Paz internacional en el conflicto intratable de Venezuela¿Pueden los esfuerzos internacionales de establecimiento de la paz tener éxito en un conflicto intratable como el de Venezuela? En este artículo presentamos una conceptualización de los procesos de establecimiento de la paz que subraya su capacidad para cambiar creativamente los términos de un conflicto. Luego observamos los cuatro procesos de diálogo y negociación que ocurrieron durante el gobierno de Nicolás Maduro. Nuestra revisión muestra que, si bien está claro que el gobierno de Maduro usa los procesos de diálogo como una táctica de demora a través de la cual puede dividir y desmovilizar a la oposición, se ha logrado un claro progreso en la capacidad de los mediadores para generar una articulación y discusión concretas de las partes en conflicto ' demandas. Sin embargo, los aliados internacionales en cada lado del conflicto están afectando los cálculos de las dos partes, trabajando en contra de un acuerdo.