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Modern free trade agreements increasingly seek to address environmental and social concerns. While the EU pursues a dialogue-led "soft approach", the United States relies on threats of trade sanctions. Colombia offers an interesting example in this connection. It has agreements with the United States, Canada and the EU, which the respective parliaments declined to ratify until they included provisions to improve the situation of labour and the trade unions. Controversy over the fundamental relationship between trade policy, sustainability and human rights has coloured the discussion in recent years. Experience already gathered with labour clauses permits conclusions to be drawn for the shape of future trade policy instruments, including those of the EU. The findings presented below confirm the importance of sustainability provisions in trade agreements and the significance of strengthening local institutions. (author's abstract)

Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- 4 J.publ.e. 27 s

В статье рассматривается концепт доверие в историко-философском контексте. Раскрываются факторы, под влиянием которых происходило становление доверия в международных отношениях Украины и Республики Беларусь: амбивалентность общественного сознания украинцев, историческое разделение Украины на регионы, с разными религиозными и политическими предпочтениями, ментальность народов, общность исторической судьбы, близость славянских языков и общих культурных начал. Автором проанализированы концептуальные подходы к формированию и реализации доверия как на официальном уровне, так и на уровне «people-to-people». ; The concept of trust in international relations is discussed from a historical and a philosophical perspective, followed by a discussion of the factors impacting the establishment of trust in the relations between Ukraine and the Republic of Belarus. These include the ambivalence of the public consciousness of Ukrainians, the historical division of Ukraine into regions, with different religious and political preferences, the mentality of the peoples, common historical destiny, the proximity of Slavic languages and a common cultural foundation. Conceptual approaches are discussed to the formation and maintenance of trust at the official level and «people-to-people» level.

Indonesia is renowned for its abundant natural resources and vast biodiversity. However, Indonesia also has wildlife species that are most vulnerable to the threat of extinction. Illegal wildlife trade poses a serious threat to the preservation of wildlife in Indonesia. Wildlife illegally traded based on facts found in the field is mostly a catch from nature, not from captive breeding. Gunung Leuser National Park (Taman Nasional Gunung Leuser, TNGL) as one of the national parks in Indonesia faces problems in the protection of this wildlife. This is triggered by the process of industrialization, illegal logging activities and crimes against protected wildlife. Wildlife protection in Indonesia and internationally is regulated legally through Law No.5 of 1990 and internationally through the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES). The role of local government, BKSDA TNGL, and related agencies in suppressing the extinction rate provides an understanding to the community of TNGL conservation areas, in particular, to reduce conflicts and clearance of plantation land by utilizing the concept of environmentally sustainable development as well as providing the mitigation measures.

The process of establishing a common energy market in the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) is moving forward after Russia and Belarus succeeded in resolving important differences. This reorganisation of the energy space will also affect the European Union, because Russia and Kazakhstan are major oil and gas suppliers, and important export pipelines originate there. At the same time regulatory and technical fault lines are becoming apparent between the EU/European Energy Community and the EAWU - also affecting transnational physical infrastructure. Furthermore, the integration blocs overlap in sensitive regions like the Caucasus, the Black Sea region and the Baltic states. (author's abstract)

Gut eineinhalb Jahre nach dem Irak-Krieg hat sich in den USA die wissenschaftliche Debatte über die amerikanische Politik der Demokratieförderung intensiviert. Dabei gibt die instabile Lage im Nachkriegs-Irak Anlaß, die Politik von Präsident George W. Bush kritisch zu beleuchten und nach der grundsätzlichen Legitimität amerikanischer Politik zu fragen. Zugleich wird darüber diskutiert, welche außenpolitische Strategie die Bush-Administration in ihrer zweiten Amtszeit verfolgen wird und verfolgen sollte - eine Diskussion, die nicht ohne Konsequenzen für das transatlantische Verhältnis bleiben wird. (Autorenreferat)

This paper is dedicated to the history of the Women's International Democratic Federation (further WIDF), the influential transnational organization of the period of the Cold War. The scholars who were dealing with the history of this organization have different opinions about its activities and historical role. Indeed, several researches have shown that the federation realized a lot of solidarity work; the federation was important not least with respect to the anti-colonial and anti-racist struggles as well for cooperation between women from inside and outside Europe. But on the other hand, historically this organization was seen as dependent from the Soviet Union or as the organization where Communist ideas and Soviet bloc's geopolitical interests have played an important role. The aim of this paper is to explore some of the contradictory aspects of the WIDF's ideology and activities. I use the WIDF's official publications, first of all, the federation's journal Women of the Whole World/ Zhenshchiny mira (published from 1951 in English, French, Russian and, later on German, Spanish and Arabic) vis-à-vis the material from the archive in Moscow, belonging to the WIDF's member organization from the Soviet Union (GARF, Fond of the Committee of the Soviet Women). In this paper I discuss the federation's use of the achievements of the state socialist countries on the way to women's emancipation as well as WIDF's main political concepts and some of their interpretations. Thus, I explore the contradictions with respect to how the concepts as human rights, democracy and women's rights were used in WIDF's documents from different periods as well as discuss conflicts connected to their use. ; Artykuł poświęcony jest historii Światowej Demokratycznej Federacji Kobiet (ŚDFK), wpływowej międzynarodowej organizacji okresu zimnej wojny. Badacze zajmujący się jej funkcjonowaniem prezentują zróżnicowane opinie na temat działalności i roli historycznej federacji. Z dotychczasowych ustaleń wynika, że ŚDFK oprócz inspirowania Europejek i kobiet z pozostałych kontynentów do walki o ich prawa realizowała wiele projektów solidarystycznych. Niektóre z jej inicjatyw miały wpływ zarówno na proces dekolonizacji, jak i postępy w walce z rasizmem. Jednocześnie organizacja była postrzegana jako zależna od Związku Sowieckiego, jako struktura propagująca idee komunistyczne i geopolityczne interesy bloku wschodniego. Celem tego artykułu jest zbadanie pewnych sprzeczności pomiędzy bazą ideologiczną a praktyczną działalnością ŚDFK. Podstawą do opracowania tematu są z jednej strony publikacje zaczerpnięte z oficjalnego organu prasowego federacji, którym od 1951 r. był periodyk "Kobiety Całego Świata" (ukazywał się w języku angielskim, francuskim, rosyjskim, a później niemieckim, hiszpańskim i arabskim), a z drugiej strony materiały zrzeszonego w ŚDFK Komitetu Kobiet Sowieckich (dostępne w zasobie Archiwum Państwowego Federacji Rosyjskiej, w zespole Komitetu Kobiet Sowieckich). W artykule scharakteryzowano główne koncepcje polityczne ŚDFK, jak też skalę wykorzystania do celów propagandowych przez federację osiągnięć państw socjalistycznych. Ukazano też poprzez pryzmat oficjalnych dokumentów federacji z różnych okresów jej działalności zmieniające się interpretacje takich pojęć, jak: demokracja, prawa człowieka, prawa kobiet oraz wynikłe z tego sprzeczności związane z użyciem tych terminów. ; Stockholm University and Mid-Sweden University ; Yulia Gradskova – pracownik Uniwersytetu w Sztokholmie. Jej naukowe zainteresowania ogniskują się wokół rosyjskiej, sowieckiej i posowieckiej historii społecznej i historii płci. Interesuje się także postsocjalizmem, historią dekolonialną i transnarodową. W swojej rozprawie doktorskiej (obronionej w 2007 r.) zajmowała się zmianami dyskursu dotyczącego macierzyństwa i urody w ocenie kobiet mieszkających w Moskwie, Ufie (Baszkirii) i Saratowie. Habilitacja (Uniwersytet Södertörn, 2010–2012) dotyczyła krytycznej rewizji sowieckiej polityki "emancypacji" i "kulturalizacji" kobiet na dawnych cesarskich kresach. Brała udział w kilku wspólnych projektach badawczych na Uniwersytecie Södertörn, w tym jeden z nich poświęcony był transformacji rodziny z okresu socjalizmu państwowego do okresu posocjalistycznego ("Rodzina i silne państwo: emancypacja czy przymus", 2008–2009). Obecnie prowadzi badania na temat Światowej Demokratycznej Federacji Kobiet – dużej międzynarodowej organizacji założonej w 1945 r. w Paryżu. ; yulia.gradskova@historia.su.se ; 172 ; 2(9) ; 185 ; State Archive of the Russian Federation (GARF), fond 7928, Committee of the Soviet Woman. ; Women of the Whole World, 1960–1981. ; Za ravnopravie, schastie, mir, (Berlin : WIDF, 1953). ; Zhenshchiny mira, 1958–1981. ; Between Protest and Nation-Building, Chen Jian, Martin Klimke, Masha Kirasirova et al. (eds.), (London : Routledge, 2018), 230–242. ; Bonfiglioli, Chiara. Revolutionary Networks. Women's Political and Social Activism in Cold War Italy and Yugoslavia (1945–1957), PhD diss., (Utrecht, 2012), https://dspace.library.uu.nl/bitstream/handle/1874/254104/Bonfiglioli.pdf?sequence. ; Djagalov, Rossen. Salazkina, Masha. "Tashkent' 68, a cinematic contact zone", Slavic Review, Vol. 75, No. 2, 2016. ; Donert, Celia. "Whose Utopia? Gender, Ideology and Human Rights at the 1975 World Congress in East Berlin", in: Jan Eckel, Samuel Moyn (eds.), The Breakthrough: Human Rights in the 1970s, (Philadelphia : University of Pennsylvania Press, 2014), 68–87. ; Edelman, Fanny. Banderas, Pasiones, Camaradas (Buenos Aires : Ediciones Dirple, 1996), 142. ; Gallo, Maria Theresa. "Today, a Woman is a President of the Republic of Uzbekistan", Women of the Whole World, No. 2, 1959, 9–21. ; Ghodsee, Kristen. Second World, Second Sex, (Durham : Duke University Press, 2018). ; Gradskova, Yulia. Soviet Politics of Emancipation of Ethnic Minority Woman. Natsionalka, (Cham : Springer, 2018). ; de Haan, Francisca. "Continuing Cold War Paradigms in Western Historiography of Transnational Women's Organizations: The Case of the Women's International Democratic Federation (WIDF)", Women's History Review, Vol. 19, No. 4, 2010, 547–573. ; de Haan, Francisca. "The Women's International Democratic Federation (WIDF): History, Main Agenda and Contributions (1945–1991)", in: Thomas Dublin, Kathryn Kish Sklar (eds.), Women and Social Movements (WASI) Online Archive, 2012, http://alexanderstreet.com/products/women-and-social-movements-international ; de Haan, Francisca. "The Global Left-Feminist 1960s. From Copenhagen to Moscow and New York", in: The Routledge Handbook of the Global Sixties, (London : Routledge, 2018), 230–242. ; Kamp, Marianne. New Woman in Uzbekistan, Islam, Modernity and Unveiling under Communism, (Seattle : University of Washington Press, 2006). ; Kanet, Roger. "Soviet Propaganda and the process of national liberation", in: Roger Kanet (ed.), Soviet Union, Eastern Europe and the Third World, (Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 1988), 84–114. ; McGregor, Katherine. "Opposing Colonialism: the Women's International Democratic Federation and Decolonization Struggles in Vietnam and Algeria 1945–1965", Women's History Review, Vol. 25, No. 6, 2016, 925–944. ; Mohanty, Chandra. Feminism without borders: decolonizing theory, practicing solidarity, (Durham : Duke University Press, 2003). ; Moyn, Samuel. The Last Utopia. Human Rights in History, (Cambridge, MA : Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2010). ; Tlostanova, Madina. Gender Epistemologies and Eurasian Borderland, (Basingstoke : Palgrave, 2010).

The development implications of transnational organized crime (TOC) have attracted growing attention in Germany and at the international level in recent years. Fragile and conflict-affected countries, which are generally regarded as especially vulnerable to TOC and its impacts, are a particular focus of interest. In the development policy debate, it has long been recognized that TOC and criminal violence are among the reasons why most fragile states have not achieved the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). For this reason, too, the development community has no option but to deal with the issue of organized crime and the risks that it poses to fragile states. Organized crime is a cross-cutting issue, not merely a security problem. Indeed, the development community is already dealing with TOC or TOC-relevant sectors more often than is generally assumed - whether in bilateral programmes to promote alternative development in drug cultivation areas or when supporting the establishment of sustainable fishing and forestry sectors in partner countries. The analysis of illicit economies in Liberia, Sierra Leone and Guinea shows that the threats posed by TOC change over time and that their impacts vary across sectors. In conditions of fragile statehood, TOC can act as an external stressor, an economy of violence, a form of state capture, and/or a world of existence/survival. The corresponding threats can be systematically analyzed in order to identify entry points and trade-offs in the development community's engagement with TOC. (author's abstract)

Celem artykułu jest analiza federalno-regionalnego modelu stosunków w odniesieniu do międzynarodowej aktywności poszczególnych regionów. Uporczywy trend centralizacji modelu federalno-regionalnego, zapoczątkowany za prezydentury Władimira Putina, spowodował powstanie nietypowej koncepcji centralnej koordynacji międzynarodowymi działaniami regionów. Pomimo dominacji Federacji Rosyjskiej nad regionami, nie jest to koncepcja utrwalona, ponieważ Kreml nie dysponuje wystarczającymi zasobami, głównie personalnymi, aby w pełni kontrolować sytuację polityczną w regionach. Wyłaniająca się koncepcja centralizmu wydaje się nie tylko szkodzić interesom poszczególnych regionów, ale podważać także siłę putinowskiego reżimu autorytarnego w dalszej perspektywie. ; The paper's aim is to explore the federal-regional model of relations as far asinternational activities of regions is concerned. A persistent centralization tendency, applied to the federal-regional model of relations and started under Vladimir Putin's presidency, has created an unusual concept of centralist coordination concerning the international activity of regions. Despite the federal dominance over regions, the concept is far from being consolidated, since the Kremlin lacks the resources, mainly human, to fully control the political situation in the regions. Yet, this evolving centralist concept seems to be detrimental not only to regions' interest, but also questions the strength of Putin's model of an authoritarian regime in the long term.

For some theorist the conduct of states is mainly determined by its domestic features. In contrast others argue that state behavior is shaped by the place they occupy in the international system. The purpose here is to address this discussion and make a state of the art of this discussion in the International Relations as a science. Given that the literary body that explores the internal - international political interaction is too extensive, to deal with o build it, generally turn to assumptions or common ideas, five of them will be problematize in this paper, looking for how it been produced, according to the theoretical development that have built in the last years about this discussion. ; Para algunos teóricos la conducta de los Estados está determinada principalmente por sus características internas. En contraposición, otros argumentan que el comportamiento estatal está moldeado por el lugar que ocupan estos en el sistema internacional. El propósito aquí es abordar esta discusión y elaborar un estado del arte sobre esta distinción en las Relaciones Internacionales como ciencia. Dado que el cuerpo literario que explora la interacción política interna-política internacional es muy vasto, para abordarla o reconstruirla generalmente se acude a supuestos o lugares comunes, cinco de los cuales serán problematizados en este artículo, buscando mostrar cómo se producen de acuerdo con los desarrollos teóricos que se han construido en los últimos años sobre esta distinción. ; Para alguns teóricos a conduta dos Estados está determinada principalmente por suas características internas. Em oposição, outros argumentam que o comportamento do Estado é moldado pelo lugar que ocupam eles no sistema internacional. O propósito aqui é abranger esta discussão e elaborar um estado da arte sobre ela na Relações Internacionais como ciência. Dado que o corpo literário que explora a interação política interna - política internacional é vasto, para aborda-lo o reconstitui-lo, geralmente se acudi a supostos o lugares comuns, cinco dos quais serão problematizados neste artigo, procurando mostrar como produzem-se de acordo com os desenvolvimentos teóricos que tem construído nos últimos anos sobre este distinção.

For some theorist the conduct of states is mainly determined by its domestic features. In contrast others argue that state behavior is shaped by the place they occupy in the international system. The purpose here is to address this discussion and make a state of the art of this discussion in the International Relations as a science. Given that the literary body that explores the internal - international political interaction is too extensive, to deal with o build it, generally turn to assumptions or common ideas, five of them will be problematize in this paper, looking for how it been produced, according to the theoretical development that have built in the last years about this discussion. ; Para algunos teóricos la conducta de los Estados está determinada principalmente por sus características internas. En contraposición, otros argumentan que el comportamiento estatal está moldeado por el lugar que ocupan estos en el sistema internacional. El propósito aquí es abordar esta discusión y elaborar un estado del arte sobre esta distinción en las Relaciones Internacionales como ciencia. Dado que el cuerpo literario que explora la interacción política interna-política internacional es muy vasto, para abordarla o reconstruirla generalmente se acude a supuestos o lugares comunes, cinco de los cuales serán problematizados en este artículo, buscando mostrar cómo se producen de acuerdo con los desarrollos teóricos que se han construido en los últimos años sobre esta distinción. ; Para alguns teóricos a conduta dos Estados está determinada principalmente por suas características internas. Em oposição, outros argumentam que o comportamento do Estado é moldado pelo lugar que ocupam eles no sistema internacional. O propósito aqui é abranger esta discussão e elaborar um estado da arte sobre ela na Relações Internacionais como ciência. Dado que o corpo literário que explora a interação política interna - política internacional é vasto, para aborda-lo o reconstitui-lo, geralmente se acudi a supostos o lugares comuns, cinco dos quais serão problematizados neste artigo, procurando mostrar como produzem-se de acordo com os desenvolvimentos teóricos que tem construído nos últimos anos sobre este distinção.