Suchergebnisse

Reorganisationen sind seit vielen Jahren und unter verschiedenen Bezeichnungen ("Lean Management", "Reengineering" etc.) eines der Top-Themen in der Management-Szene. Die Umsetzung solcher Vorhaben sieht in der Praxis jedoch zumeist sehr ernüchternd aus. "Unwillen zur Veränderung" gepaart mit "bestehenden Machtstrukturen" so die Befragten vieler Untersuchungen, bewirken, daß die überwiegende Mehrzahl aller Restrukturierungsversuche (von über 80 Prozent ist dabei oft die Rede) scheitert. Der Grund hierfür ist naheliegend: Veränderungen organisationaler Strukturen und Abläufe bedeuten für die Betroffenen nicht allein eine Neugestaltung von eingefahrenen Handlungsmustern, Spielregeln, Zuständigkeitsbereichen oder Zuständigkeiten mit höchst ungewissem Ausgang. Vielmehr geht es für sie oft genug um ihren Verbleib in der Unternehmung überhaupt – bei gleichzeitig wenig aussichtsreichen Perspektiven auf dem Arbeitsmarkt. Entsprechend heftig sind die mikropolitischen Auseinandersetzungen im Zuge der Entscheidungs- und Implementationsprozesse. Der Einbezug des Top-Managements in den Restrukturierungsprozeß schließlich (als wesentliche Zielsetzung beispielsweise des Reengineerings), verleiht den Auseinandersetzungen zusätzliche Schärfe; weitere Konfliktlinien und -konstellationen entstehen. Entsprechend sind Verlauf und Ausgang eines solchen Projektes zumeist (ungeplantes) Ergebnis organisationaler Machtkonstellationen sowie mikropolitischer Strategien und Taktiken der beteiligten Akteure, denn Ergebnis betriebswirtschaftlicher Einsicht und Notwendigkeit. Ökonomische Vernunft bleibt, wie die Praxis lehrt, vielmehr allzu oft auf der Strecke, wenn es gilt, alte Machtstrukturen, Besitzstände und Erbhöfe zu verteidigen oder anzugreifen. Obwohl also Macht und Mikropolitik so gut wie immer ganz zentrale erklärende Variablen des Handels in Organisationen darstellen, liegen in diesen Bereichen, infolge einer weitgehenden Tabuisierung dieser Themen, bislang nur wenig fundierte Erkenntnisse vor. Dort wo – weit jenseits des "mainstreams" – empirische Mikropolitikforschung betrieben wird, werden zumeist entkontextualisierte Taktik-Inventare erstellt, deren Übertragbarkeit jedoch sehr begrenzt ist. Daher wird in dieser Arbeit ein theoretischer Bezugsrahmen (aufbauend auf der – zugespitzten – Figurations- und Prozeßtheorie von Norbert ELIAS) entwickelt und mit diesem ein konzernweites Restrukturierungsprojekt in einem deutschen Handelsunternehmen betrachtet. ; Reorganizations (such as "Reengineering", "Lean management" etc.) have been (and still are) top-issues in the management scene for the last few years. Less bureaucracy, decentralisation, process orientation, customer focus, results culture are the keywords in this widespread discussion (to name but a few). The results of the implementation attempts however are often bitterly sobering. "Unwillingness to change" combined with "prevailing power-structures" are repetitively given diagnoses by frustrated managers in numerous surveys which show a failure rate of more than 80% of the aforementioned projects. The reasons for such problems are obvious: organizational change does not only entail a highly doubtful reorganization of familiar routines, (tacit) rules, responsibilities and areas of responsibility for the staff members affected. It also entails a fundamental uncertainty of their remaining in the company as such. Consequently micropolitical strategies and tactics figure prominently in the decision making process just as (or even more) in the process of implementation. The outcome of such a project is thus often dependent on the organizational power structures and the micropolitical strategies and tactics of the actors and fractions involved rather than on rational choice and economic necessity. On the contrary: economic sense as shown by many studies often comes last when the actors go out to conquer or defend prevailing power-structures, possessions and privileges. So although power-structures and micropolitics always turn out to be central explanatory variables for organizational behaviour there is still little profound knowledge on that specific issue. This is mainly due to the fact that the subject of power and politics in organizations is still largely put under a taboo. On the other hand prevailing studies often focus on inventories of de-contextualized tactics which can thus hardly be transferred in practice. The thesis therefore aims to offer new insights by creating a new perspective (based on the work of Norbert ELIAS). The empirical basis for the thesis is the case of a big reengineering project in a major German trading company in which I took part as the assistant of the boardmember in charge of the project.

This research is about local actors' response to problems of uneven development and unemployment. Policies to combat these problems are usually connected to socio-economic regeneration in England and economic and employment promotion (Wirtschafts- und Beschäftigungsförderung) in Germany. The main result of this project is a description of those factors which support the emergence of local socio-economic initiatives aimed at job creation. Eight social and formal economy initiatives have been examined and the ways in which their emergence has been influenced by institutional factors has been analysed. The role of local actors and forms of governance as well as wider regional and national policy frameworks has been taken into account. Socio-economic initiatives have been defined as non-routine local projects or schemes with the objective of direct job creation. Such initiatives often focus on specific local assets for the formal or the social economy. Socio-economic initiatives are grounded on ideas of local economic development, and the creation of local jobs for local people. The adopted understanding of governance focuses on the processes of decision taking. Thus, this understanding of governance is broadly construed to include the ways in which actors in addition to traditional government manage urban development. The applied understanding of governance lays a focus on 'strategic' forms of decision taking about both long term objectives and short term action linked to socio-economic regeneration. Four old industrial towns in North England and East Germany have been selected for case studies due to their particular socio-economic background. These towns, with between 10.000 and 70.000 inhabitants, are located outside of the main agglomerations and bear central functions for their hinterland. The approach has been comparative, with a focus on examining common themes rather than gaining in-depth knowledge of a single case. Until now, most urban governance studies have analysed the impacts of particular forms of governance such as regeneration partnerships. This project looks at particular initiatives and poses the question to what extent their emergence can be understood as a result of particular forms of governance, local institutional factors or regional and national contexts. ; Viele Klein- und Mittelstädte in Ostdeutschland und Nordengland stehen derzeit vor großen Herausforderungen, die durch demographische und ökonomische Umbrüche hervorgerufen worden sind. Insbesondere die altindustriell geprägten Städte außerhalb der großen Agglomerationsräume sind unter Zugzwang, weil ihre ökonomische Basis in Zeiten verschärfter Globalisierungsprozesse nicht mehr wettbewerbsfähig ist. Gleichzeitig können diese Städte nicht von den Standortvorteilen der Agglomerationsräume profitieren und müssen daher eigene Qualitäten entwickeln. Welche Chancen haben diese Städte vor dem Hintergrund anhaltend hoher Arbeitslosenzahlen und stetiger Rationalisierungsprozesse in der lokalen Industrie? Mit welchen Strategien können neue Potenziale erschlossen werden, die die Stadtentwicklung insgesamt voranbringen? Wie gehen Entscheidungsträger mit den Problemen um und inwiefern passen sie aktuelle Entwicklungsstrategien an neue Rahmenbedingungen an? Wie kann die soziale und ökonomische Entwicklung langfristig stabilisiert werden? Welchen Beitrag können dabei lokale Initiativen der Wirtschafts- und Beschäftigungsförderung leisten, und wie können solche Initiativen verstärkt gefördert werden? Diese Fragen stehen im Zentrum der empirischen Arbeit "Institutional perspectives of local development in Germany and England", die anhand von vier altindustriell geprägten Beispielstädten in Nordengland und Ostdeutschland Entstehungsfaktoren dieser Initiativen untersucht. In allen vier Städten gibt es eine Vielzahl lokaler Initiativen der Wirtschafts- und Beschäftigungsförderung (insgesamt über 40). Durch diese Initiativen verändert sich die lokale Wirtschaftsstruktur und wird dadurch weniger anfällig für negative Begleiterscheinungen der Globalisierung. Neben einer direkten Förderung solcher Initiativen liegen entscheidende Unterstützungsfaktoren vor allem im informellen Bereich. So tragen Netzwerke, die auf gemeinsamen Zielen und Wertvorstellungen basieren, maßgeblich zum Erfolg lokaler Initiativen bei. Die Arbeit zeigt dabei, dass für die Entstehung lokaler Initiativen vor allem auch lokale Faktoren ausschlaggebend sind und der Einfluss nationaler Politik letztlich weniger entscheidend ist. Allerdings kann die nationale Ebene wichtige Debatten anstoßen, die dann auch auf die lokale Ebene einwirken. Dies zeigt sich beispielsweise im Bereich der sozialen Ökonomie, wo die größere Zahl an Initiativen in Großbritannien mit einer verstärkten Förderung auf nationaler Ebene einhergeht, wohingegen die geringe Relevanz solcher Initiativen in Deutschland auf eine fehlende nationale Förderung der sozialen Ökonomie zurückgeführt werden kann.

This introduction to the January 2008 special edition of PORTAL engages with the processes by which, in the early 21st century—an information age of hypertechnology, post-nationalism, post-Fordism, and dominating transnational media—culture and economy have become fused, and globalizations tend towards the mercantilization, commodification, and privatization of human experience. We recognize that access to the technologies of globalizations is uneven. Although cyberspace and other hypertechnologies have become an integral part of workspaces, and of the domestic space in most households, across Western industrialized societies, and for the middle and upper-classes everywhere, this is not a reality for most people in the world, including the Latin American underclasses, the majority of the continent's population. But we also agree with pundits who note how that limited access has not prevented a 'techno-virtual spillover' into the historical-material world. More and more people are increasingly touched by the techno-virtual realm and its logics, with a resultant transformation of global imaginaries in response to, for instance, the global spread of privatised entertainment and news via TV, satellites and the internet, and virtualized military operations (wars on terror, drugs, and rogue regimes). Under these hyperworldizing conditions, we asked, how might we talk about language, culture and history in Latin America, especially since language has an obvious, enduring importance as a tool for communication, and as the means to define culture and give narrative shape to our histories and power struggles?

Our central term 'hyperworld(s)' presents us with numerous conceptual and epistemological challenges, not least because, whether unintended or not, it evokes cyberspace, thus gesturing toward either the seamless integration of physical and virtual reality, or its converse, a false opposition between the material and the virtual. The term may also evoke unresolved contradictions between discourses of technophobia and technophilia and, by extension, lead to dichotomized readings of the age in terms of the limits to, and capacities for, political resistance. In our conception, however, hyperworld(s) is not contained by the term virtuality; it encompasses, exceeds, challenges, and devours it. The production of hyperworld(s), or hyperworldization, connotes acceleration and hyperactivity on social, economic and financial levels, the intensified commodification of human life, the time-space compression of communication and much cultural production, the re-ordering of social relations themselves over-determined by technology wedded to capitalist market values, and, as a result, the re-ordering of daily life, cultural expression, and political activism for individuals and communities across the planet. These processes and intensities mean that new modes of reading the interactive and contradictory discursive fragmentations of the current epoch are required. Thus, rather than regarding cyberspace simply as the technological hallmark or dominant trope of our epoch, we might make deeper sense of hyperworld(s)—the bracketed plural implying myriad intersecting worlds within 'the' world—by identifying interactive entry points into contemporary lived historical-material and imagined complexities in the Latin American world(s).

This article has been cited in the following:

Duarte Alonso, Abel, and Yi Liu. "Changing Visitor Perceptions of a Capital City: The Case of Wellington, New Zealand." City Tourism: National Capital Perspectives, ed. Robert Maitland and Brent W. Richie. Wallingford, UK: CABI, 2010, 110-24.

Gentrification is a particular form of social filtering up that takes place in working-class neighbourhoods in city centres and that transforms buildings. The concept was born in the Anglo-Saxon world and was ignored by French urban researchers for some time. It nevertheless provides a useful insight into most processes of urban and social change that have occurred in Paris in the last decades. In order to take the measure of gentrification in Inner Paris, the present dissertation builds on a rich corpus of statistical data on households and housing since 1982 and on fieldwork in three working-class neighbourhoods. Analyzing the main factors, the rhythm and spatial dynamics of change, I show that Parisian working-class neighbourhoods were deeply transformed by gentrification since the 1980s. I also present the different actors - from uppermiddle- class inhabitants to public policy makers, real estate promoters and storekeepers - with a particular emphasis on the social standing, lifestyle and discourse of gentrifiers. The various levels of analysis combine a comprehensive view of gentrification in Paris with a detailed study of local processes. They also shed light on the coexistence of various social groups in working-class neighbourhoods undergoing gentrification processes. The point of view expressed by the different actors, especially by working-class inhabitants, gives a better sense of the effects gentrification has on the working class, while pointing to the role of public policy in the recapturing of central neighbourhoods by well-to-do inhabitants. This entails a critical analysis of what appears as social mix in working-class neighbourhoods. ; La gentrification est une forme particulière d'embourgeoisement qui touche les quartiers populaires centraux et s'accompagne de la transformation du bâti. Cette notion anglo-saxonne, longtemps ignorée par la recherche urbaine en France, s'avère féconde pour analyser une partie importante des transformations urbaines et sociales de l'espace parisien depuis plusieurs décennies. Pour cerner l'ampleur de la gentrification à Paris intra-muros, cette thèse s'appuie à la fois sur un riche corpus de données statistiques concernant les ménages et les logements depuis 1982 et sur des enquêtes de terrain menées dans trois quartiers populaires. Elle montre, dans un premier temps, que les quartiers populaires parisiens sont profondément transformés par la gentrification depuis les années 1980, tout en mettant en évidence à la fois les principaux facteurs, les rythmes et les dynamiques spatiales de ce processus. Elle en présente également les différents acteurs - des ménages des classes moyennes et supérieures aux pouvoirs publics en passant par les promoteurs et les commerçants - et explore en particulier la position sociale, le mode de vie et les discours des gentrifieurs. L'approche multiscalaire permet d'articuler une appréhension globale de la gentrification à Paris avec une analyse fine de ses modalités au niveau local. Dans un second temps, elle s'intéresse à la cohabitation des différents groupes sociaux au sein des quartiers populaires en voie de gentrification. La prise en compte du point de vue des différents acteurs en jeu - et notamment celui des ménages populaires - permet de mieux comprendre les effets de la gentrification sur les classes populaires et le rôle des politiques publiques dans ce processus de reconquête sociale. Cela conduit à une analyse critique de la mixité sociale apparente qu'il induit dans les quartiers populaires.

Gentrification is a particular form of social filtering up that takes place in working-class neighbourhoods in city centres and that transforms buildings. The concept was born in the Anglo-Saxon world and was ignored by French urban researchers for some time. It nevertheless provides a useful insight into most processes of urban and social change that have occurred in Paris in the last decades. In order to take the measure of gentrification in Inner Paris, the present dissertation builds on a rich corpus of statistical data on households and housing since 1982 and on fieldwork in three working-class neighbourhoods. Analyzing the main factors, the rhythm and spatial dynamics of change, I show that Parisian working-class neighbourhoods were deeply transformed by gentrification since the 1980s. I also present the different actors - from uppermiddle- class inhabitants to public policy makers, real estate promoters and storekeepers - with a particular emphasis on the social standing, lifestyle and discourse of gentrifiers. The various levels of analysis combine a comprehensive view of gentrification in Paris with a detailed study of local processes. They also shed light on the coexistence of various social groups in working-class neighbourhoods undergoing gentrification processes. The point of view expressed by the different actors, especially by working-class inhabitants, gives a better sense of the effects gentrification has on the working class, while pointing to the role of public policy in the recapturing of central neighbourhoods by well-to-do inhabitants. This entails a critical analysis of what appears as social mix in working-class neighbourhoods. ; La gentrification est une forme particulière d'embourgeoisement qui touche les quartiers populaires centraux et s'accompagne de la transformation du bâti. Cette notion anglo-saxonne, longtemps ignorée par la recherche urbaine en France, s'avère féconde pour analyser une partie importante des transformations urbaines et sociales de l'espace parisien depuis plusieurs décennies. Pour cerner l'ampleur de la gentrification à Paris intra-muros, cette thèse s'appuie à la fois sur un riche corpus de données statistiques concernant les ménages et les logements depuis 1982 et sur des enquêtes de terrain menées dans trois quartiers populaires. Elle montre, dans un premier temps, que les quartiers populaires parisiens sont profondément transformés par la gentrification depuis les années 1980, tout en mettant en évidence à la fois les principaux facteurs, les rythmes et les dynamiques spatiales de ce processus. Elle en présente également les différents acteurs - des ménages des classes moyennes et supérieures aux pouvoirs publics en passant par les promoteurs et les commerçants - et explore en particulier la position sociale, le mode de vie et les discours des gentrifieurs. L'approche multiscalaire permet d'articuler une appréhension globale de la gentrification à Paris avec une analyse fine de ses modalités au niveau local. Dans un second temps, elle s'intéresse à la cohabitation des différents groupes sociaux au sein des quartiers populaires en voie de gentrification. La prise en compte du point de vue des différents acteurs en jeu - et notamment celui des ménages populaires - permet de mieux comprendre les effets de la gentrification sur les classes populaires et le rôle des politiques publiques dans ce processus de reconquête sociale. Cela conduit à une analyse critique de la mixité sociale apparente qu'il induit dans les quartiers populaires.

The interest for renewable energy is growing every day, globally. The European Union's objective is to increase, by year 2020, the production of electrical energy from renewable sources with 20% of the total energy consumption. With this aim, the majority of countries have decided to reduce the gas emissions responsible for the greenhouse effect. This decision implies the using reduction of the fossil fuel (oil, coal, natural gas) based power plants and increasing use of the renewable based power plants like micro-hydropower plants. The micro-hydro has a great potential of development, and will have an important role in the future of renewable energy production, the applications pointed are the electric energy supply of the remote areas or connected to power network in association with other renewable energy production units like wind power plants. The aim of this thesis is to develop theoretical and experimental (on the test bench) the structure of a micro-hydropower plant with variable speed. The system consists of a doubly-fed induction generator (DFIG) linked mechanically and electrically (through back-to-back power electronic converters in the rotor circuit) to a permanent-magnet synchronous machine (PMSM). This study concerns the aspects about the electrical machines control, islanded operation and connection to power grid and also the association with other renewable energy sources. The association with a fixed speed wind generator was studied. In addition, a storage device with supercapacitors was added having the role to increase the penetration rate into the islanded or strong power grids. ; L'intérêt pour les énergies renouvelables croît continuellement dans le monde. L'objectif de l'Union Européenne est d'attendre à l'horizon 2020 une production de 20% de la consommation énergétique totale à partir des énergies renouvelables. Donc, la vaste majorité des pays ont décidé de réduire les émissions de gaz responsables de l'augmentation de l'effet de serre. Cette décision présume la réduction de la consommation en énergie fossile (gaz naturel, pétrole, charbon, etc.) au profit des énergies renouvelables dont fait partie l'énergie obtenue dans les microcentrales hydroélectriques. La petite hydraulique possède un fort potentiel de développement et on prévoit qu'elle tiendra une place importante dans la production électrique future par énergies renouvelables, les applications visées étant l'alimentation de sites isolés, non électrifiés, ainsi que la fourniture d'appoint au réseau interconnecté, notamment par association avec d'autre sources renouvelable comme l'éolien par exemple. Le but de la thèse concerne l'étude théorique et expérimentale (sur un banc d'essais) de la structure d'une microcentrale hydroélectrique à vitesse variable. Le système est constitue par une machine asynchrone à double alimentation (MADA), excitée, au rotor par une machine synchrone à aimants permanents (MSAP) ; ces deux machine étant montées sur le même arbre. Deux convertisseurs à MLI, réversibles, réalisent la connexion électrique entre les deux machines. Cette étude concerne les aspects liés à la commande des machines électriques, le fonctionnement de la microcentrale en îlotage et en débit sur un réseau puissant et l'association à d'autres sources décentralisés de production. L'association avec une centrale éolienne à vitesse fixe a été étudiée. En plus, on a ajuté un dispositif de stockage à supercondensateurs ayant le rôle d'augmentation de la capacité de pénétration dans le réseaux îlots ou puissantes.

In a conscious environmental context, the European legislation forces natural gas power plants to respect emission limits equal to 25 ppmvd for carbon monoxide (CO) and nitrous oxides (NOx). Financial penalties compel the owner to fine tune his machines. A numerical tool is developed as support for operators to find optimal tunings. This tool aims at predicting pollutant emissions accurately (few ppmvd), with a short response time (use on site) and for all configurations (geometry, operating conditions). However, modelling and simulating the formation of minor species in a turbulent reacting flow remains a scientific and numerical challenge due to the large spatial and temporal spectra involved. The solution proposed in this PhD relies on performing CFD computations (Computational Fluid Dynamics) based on simple chemical mechanisms in order to build up a network of 0D reactors which include detailed chemical kinetics. A general methodology is presented for splitting the flow into statistically homogenous zones, which, once connected, form a reactor network. Two reactor network models are defined and include or not turbulent fluctuations (probability density function) as well as residence time distribution in each reactor. Sensitivity studies of NOx emissions to air humidity, fuel flexibility or gas turbine load changes have been performed. Comparison with on-site measurements shows that the models are representative. Finally, a new modelling of the mean chemical source term is provided (lookup table method for the chemical source term and new probability density function) to enable an accurate prediction of NOx emissions directly from CFD computations. ; Dans un contexte environnemental fort, la législation Européenne actuelle impose aux centrales thermiques à gaz des limites d'émission à 25 ppmvd pour le monoxyde de carbone (CO) et les oxydes d'azote (NOx). L'exploitant est alors contraint de régler finement ses machines pour éviter l'imposition de pénalités financières. Afin d'orienter les opérateurs vers les réglages optimaux, un outil numérique est développé. Il a pour but de prédire les émissions polluantes avec précision (quelques ppmvd), rapidité (utilisation sur site) et pour toutes sortes de configurations (géométrie, conditions de fonctionnement). Toutefois, modéliser et simuler la formation d'espèces minoritaires dans un écoulement turbulent réactif reste, aujourd'hui encore, un challenge scientifique et numérique en raison des larges spectres spatiaux et temporels mis en jeu. La solution proposée dans cette thèse consiste à réaliser un calcul CFD (Computational Fluid Dynamics) basé sur un mécanisme réactionnel simple en vue de construire un réseau de réacteurs 0D incluant une cinétique chimique détaillée. Une méthodologie générale est présentée pour le découpage de l'écoulement en zones statistiquement homogènes qui, une fois connectées, forment un réseau de réacteurs. Deux modèles de réseaux de réacteurs sont définis et prennent ou non en compte les fluctuations turbulentes (densité de probabilité) et une distribution des temps de séjour dans chaque réacteur. Des études de sensibilité des émissions de NOx à l'hygrométrie, à la variabilité combustible et aux changements de charge sont menées. La comparaison aux mesures sur site souligne la représentativité des modèles proposés. Enfin, une nouvelle modélisation du terme source chimique moyen est introduite (méthode de tabulation du terme source chimique et nouvelle densité de probabilité) pour permettre une prédiction affinée des émissions de NOx dès le calcul CFD.

ÖZETKapitalist sistem, 1970'li yıllarda yaşadığı krizden çıkış yolunu Keynezyen sosyal devlet uygulamalarının terk edilip, ekonomiye minimum düzeyde müdahale eden devlet anlayışını savunan neo-liberal politikaları uygulamada bulmuştur. Klasik liberalizmin çağdaş yorumu olarak serbest piyasa ekonomisini öngören neo-liberalizm, ilk önce gelişmiş kapitalist ülkelerde, daha sonra da DB ve IMF gibi uluslar arası kuruluşlar vasıtasıyla Türkiye gibi gelişmekte olan çevre ülkelerde uygulanmaya başlanmıştır.Ülkemizde 24 Ocak 1980 ekonomik kararları ve ardından yapılan 12 Eylül 1980 askeri müdahalesiyle uygulama sahası bulan neo-liberal politikaların piyasa devleti anlayışı çerçevesinde, kamuda ve yerel yönetimlerde özelleştirme uygulamaları hız kazanmıştır. Günümüzde yerel hizmetlerin sunulmasında önemli bir yeri olan belediyeler de neo-liberal dönüşümün etkisine kalmış ve hizmetlerini sunarken özelleştirme uygulamalarını kullanmaya başlamışlardır. Belediyelerin kullandıkları özelleştirme yöntemlerinden biri de şirketleşmedir. Sermayesinin büyük bir bölümünün belediyeye ait olduğu bu şirketlere Belediye İktisadi Teşekkülü denilmektedir. Merkezi idarenin denetiminden ve ağır işleyen bürokrasiden kurtularak piyasa mekanizmasının gerektirdiği esneklik ve talebe hızlı cevap verebilme amacıyla ülke genelinde birçok belediye şirketler yoluyla hizmet üretmeyi tercih etmektedir. İstanbul'un sınırları içindeki tüm halka hizmet etmekle yükümlü olan İstanbul Büyükşehir Belediyesi de, görmesi gerektiği hizmetlerin büyük çoğunluğunu bünyesinde barındırdığı 23 şirketle görmektedir.Bu tezin temel konusu dünya genelinde yaygınlaşan neo-liberal politikaların yerel hizmetlerin sunulmasında yarattığı dönüşümdür. Yerel yönetimlerde yaşanan bu dönüşümü daha iyi anlamak için İstanbul Büyükşehir Belediyesine bağlı Belediye İktisadi Teşekkülleri ve bunlardan biri olan İSTAÇ A.Ş. örnek olarak incelenmiştir.THE EXAMPLE IN REORGANISATION PROCESS OF LOCAL GOVERNMENTS FOR AFFILIATED COMPANIES OF MUNICIPALITY: ISTAC COABSTRACT (SUMMARY)Capitalistic System find way to exit from the crisis lived in 1970, by leaving Keynesian social governmental applications and applying neo-liberal politics which stand for minimal governmental concept. The Neo-Liberalism, which predicts the free market economy as a modern explanation of the classical liberalism, started to apply firstly in the developed capitalistic countries and than in the developing countries like Turkey by means of international foundation like DB and IMF.In the frame of the minimal governmental concept of the neo-liberal politics that find field of application in our country with 24 January 1980 economical decisions and after with the military intervention in 12 September 1980, privatization application picks up speed in the public and in the local authorities. At the present day, even municipalities that have an important role in performing of local services affected from the neo-liberal change and started to use private applications in their services. One of the privatization method that municipalities use is founding companies. These companies, the biggest part of their capital is belonging to municipalities, called Municipality Economic Agencies. With the aim of to get out from the control of the central administration and slowly working bureaucracy and to answer the request and the flexibility which is required from the market mechanism, a lot of municipality through out the country prefer to produce services through the companies. Also Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality which is responsible to serve all people within the borders of Istanbul, gives most of the services via 23 companies. The main subject of this Thesis is the transformation in providing local services caused by the world widespread neo liberalism politics. To understand the transformation formed in the local administration better, Municipality Economic Agencies, especially ISTAC Co. is examined as a case study.

International audience ; The Souss Massa National Park is situated in the south of Morocco. There is diversified natural landscapes and remarkable fauna and flora which attracts the tourists since many years. Souss Massa is near Agadir, one of the large tourist poles in Morroco, which explains its frequentation. The park constitutes an alternative activity at the gateway to a seaside resort world famous. But to limit the negative impacts of an uncontrolled tourist frequentation, the government want develop a more respectful tourism of the environment and local populations. Thus, this national park was the first park in Morocco to be opened with the ecotourism. It represents an opportunity to diversify the national and international tourist offer of Morocco. The ecotourism indeed appears to be a means to develop the natural, sociocultural and landscape assets of the area. This economic activity would be framed and compatible with sustainable development while generating incomes for the park and the local population. The ecotourism would thus play a central role in the protection of the park. But, many brakes slow down the installation of durable tourism in this space. First, the local populations feel the park like a "interference" in their space of life, they see only constraints in environmental protection and do not have the culture of the participation in a public project. The development of the ecotourism suffers from this situation, but it would be a lever to gradually improve the relations between environment and local economy, by modifying the activities of the inhabitants and in particular new generations? ; Compte tenu de ses paysages naturels très diversifiés, de sa faune et de sa flore remarquables, le parc national de Souss Massa, dans le sud du Maroc, attire les touristes depuis de nombreuses années. Le Souss Massa se trouve à proximité d'Agadir, un des grands pôles touristiques marocain, ce qui explique en grande partie sa fréquentation. Le parc constitue en quelque sorte une activité alternative aux portes d'une station balnéaire de renommée internationale. Mais pour limiter les impacts négatifs d'une fréquentation touristique incontrôlée, l'Etat cherche à y développer un tourisme plus respectueux de l'environnement et des populations locales. Ainsi, ce parc national a été le premier parc au Maroc à s'ouvrir à l'écotourisme. Il représente par ailleurs une opportunité pour diversifier l'offre touristique nationale et internationale. L'écotourisme paraît en effet être un moyen pour valoriser les atouts naturels, socioculturels et paysagers de la région. Cette activité économique serait encadrée et compatible avec le développement durable tout en générant des revenus pour le parc et la population locale. L'écotourisme jouerait ainsi un rôle primordial dans la protection du parc. Mais de nombreux freins ralentissent la mise en place d'un tourisme durable dans cet espace. En premier lieu, les populations locales se méfient du parc et le ressentent comme une ingérence dans leur espace de vie, elles ne voient que des contraintes dans la protection de l'environnement et n'ont pas la culture de la participation à un projet public. Le développement de l'écotourisme souffre de cette situation, mais ne serait-il pas un levier pour améliorer progressivement les relations entre environnement et économie locale, en modifiant les activités des habitants et notamment des nouvelles générations ?

Uno degli aspetti marcanti della riforma del 2003 è individuabile nell'eliminazione dell'obbligo di vigilanza sul generale andamento della gestione "che trasformava la responsabilità dell'amministratore in una sorta di responsabilità oggettiva la cui violazione, presunta o reale che fosse, è stata all'origine della quasi totalità delle cause di responsabilità civile promosse dalle società nei confronti degli amministratori ed è stata, assai di frequente, 'usata' dai pubblici ministeri che hanno promosso azione penale nei confronti degli amministratori per i reati previsti nel codice civile a carico degli amministratori anche per fondare la responsabilità penale degli stessi" (V. Buonocore). La nuova disciplina "ha preso atto del dato di fatto, noto a tutti, della sostanziale diversità tra consigliere delegato e consiglieri delegati: solo il primo lavora a full time per tutto l'anno (mentre i consiglieri deleganti partecipano a una dozzina di consigli di amministrazione all'anno, della durata di qualche ora ciascuno), ha una retribuzione che è almeno 10-15 volte quella dei consiglieri senza delega. È a capo della struttura ed è perciò in grado di conoscere i fatti e le criticità gestionali. La riforma del 2003 ha preso atto di tutto ciò e ha di conseguenza differenziato doveri e responsabilità degli organi delegati da quelli dei consiglieri deleganti, differenza che era sostanzialmente ignorata dalla giurisprudenza anteriore alla riforma […]" (F. Bonelli). Il dovere di vigilanza sul generale andamento della gestione è stato sostituito, pertanto, dall'obbligo di valutare l'adeguatezza dell'assetto organizzativo, amministrativo e contabile; di esaminare, quando elaborati, i piani strategici, industriali e finanziari della società; di valutare il generale andamento della gestione. Indispensabile in tale sistema diventa l'esistenza di una corretta rete informativa che consenta un costante ed adeguato flusso informativo dagli amministratori esecutivi, naturali depositari della maggior parte delle informazioni attinenti la gestione sociale, agli amministratori non esecutivi. Il legislatore della riforma, cosciente del ruolo dell'informazione nell'ambito dell'organo amministrativo, ha attribuito specifici doveri informativi al presidente del consiglio di amministrazione e agli amministratori delegati. Allo stesso tempo ha imposto agli amministratori un generale dovere di agire in modo informato. Il presente lavoro costituisce una ricostruzione logica del percorso ora delineato che, partendo dalle origini dell'istituto della delega, evidenzia la sempre maggiore differenziazione del ruolo degli amministratori deleganti rispetto ai delegati fino alla riforma del 2003 dove, in presenza di delega, la distinzione non è più, come nel sistema precedente, tra amministratori ed amministratori delegati ma tra amministratori deleganti e amministratori delegati o, con terminologia di origine anglosassone, tra amministratori non esecutivi e amministratori esecutivi. Lo studio affronta, innanzitutto, il rapporto esistente tra gli amministratori non esecutivi e quelli esecutivi nella sua fase genetica, e cioè nel momento in cui la delega ad amministrare viene conferita generando, così, la nascita delle due diverse categorie di amministratori. Ruolo centrale nel presente lavoro viene riconosciuto all'informazione quale strumento indispensabile per il corretto adempimento delle obbligazioni gravanti sugli amministratori non esecutivi. In particolare vengono analizzati gli obblighi informativi a carico del presidente del consiglio di amministrazione, dei consiglieri delegati, degli amministratori interessati e, infine, il generale dovere di informarsi gravante sugli amministratori. Analizzato lo strumento che consente il collegamento tra le due diverse categorie di amministratori in presenza di delega ad amministrare, l'analisi si concentra sui doveri e sulle responsabilità degli amministratori non esecutivi alla luce della vigente disciplina.

В работе проведен анализ данных об устойчивости демократических режимов в странах, богатых природными ресурсами, и предложена модель, объясняющая, почему в одних странах изобилие природных ресурсов может привести к нестабильности демократии, а в других не создает никаких трудностей для демократической системы. Центральная идея работы следующая. Если страна богата точечными природными ресурсами, то создаются предпосылки для получения их владельцами доминирующей экономической власти. Если к тому же в стране слабые институты, то экономическая власть может стать и политической. Владельцы ресурсов (олигархи) могут, подкупая политиков, проталкивать через парламент выгодные для себя решения. Несовершенство демократии создает основу для действий потенциального Автократа, стремящегося к власти. В предлагаемой здесь простой модели рассматривается единственный инструмент экономической политики ставка налога на ресурсную ренту. Этот налог влияет на доход репрезентативного избирателя. Объявляя ставку налога, Автократ конкурирует за власть с действующим Политиком (репрезентативной политической партией). Модель показывает существование порогового уровня склонности к коррупции (рассматриваемого как мера качества институтов). При большой склонности к коррупции вероятность сохранения демократии отрицательно зависит от количества ресурсов, тогда как при малой склонности проявляется отсутствие зависимости или даже положительная зависимость от ресурсов. Показано также, что Автократ может применять политику двух типов, в зависимости от качества управления (способности распределять собранные налоги без больших потерь), ожидаемого избирателями от него и Политика. Более эффективный Автократ склонен к популистской политике с высокой ставкой налога на ресурсную ренту, а меньшая эффективность Автократа в сочетании с изобилием природных ресурсов приводит к выгодной для олигархов политике с низкой ставкой налога. ; We analyze data on sustainability of democratic regimes in resource rich countries and suggest a two-period model to explain why resource abundance may lead to instability of democracy in some countries, but does not create any difficulties for democratic system in other ones. Our central idea is as follows. If a country is abundant by point resources, this creates a prerequisite for resource owners to have dominant economic power. If institutions are weak under democracy, the economic power may be converted into political one. Resource owners («oligarchs») can thrust their preferred decisions on a parliament, bribing politicians. This creates a base for a potential Autocrat's strategy to get power. Rate of resource rent tax is considered as the only policy instrument in our simple model. The tax affects the income of a representative voter. Choosing a tax rate, Autocrat competes with conventional Politician (a representative political party) for the office. Our model takes into account the fact that the actual Autocrat's policy may be different from the announced one. If the difference between the two policies is big, then the public may rise up and throw the Autocrat down. Our main conclusions from the model exploration are as follows. The probability of democracy preservation is decreasing in the amount of resources, if the institutional quality is low enough. It is independent of resources and is determined only by cultural characteristics of the society, if the institutional quality is higher than the threshold. The level of the threshold, however, is positively dependent on the resource amount. These effects are consequences of the optimal Autocrat policy: the larger is the amount of resources, the stronger are Oligarch's incentives (inspired by Autocrat's policy) to bribe politicians.

Problem: The central study question was whether or not believing that a certain media outlet is biased in a certain direction predisposes someone to perceive more or less bias in news content. The following hypotheses were formed: Hypothesis One: News consumers would find a news story to be more biased toward the corresponding associated political viewpoint of its source regardless of the actual content of the story. Hypothesis Two: Liberal respondents would be more likely to perceive the news stories as conservatively biased and conservative respondents would be more likely to perceive the new stories as being liberally biased. Hypothesis Three: Liberal respondents would be more likely to view content presented as being from Fox News as more conservatively biased than conservative respondents and conservatives would be more likely to view content presented as being from CNN or MSNBC as more liberally biased. Methods: A survey research design was created to test these hypotheses. Sixty-one participants read two different articles and were asked questions concerning their perception of bias in the articles. The articles were written by the researcher on two different topics from the spring of 2007: Iraq War troop reductions and universal health care proposals from Democratic presidential candidates. For each of these articles, three different versions were made (Neutral, Left-Leaning, and Right-Leaning) by either omitting or adding information that was more or less harmful to a certain political viewpoint or by word choice (i.e. "socialized" versus "universal" health care). Each article was then placed in three different visual contexts: FoxNews.com printout, CNN.com printout, and a text word document. Each participant was given only one version of the two article topics. Results: None of the hypotheses were proven with statistical significance; however, the data do tend to suggest that they may be provable with a larger sample size. For hypothesis one, in the first article those reading the possibility of a troop reduction article in the FoxNews.com visual context found the story to favor the conservative viewpoint 55 percent of the time compared to 28 percent for CNN.com and 25 percent for the control version. The results for the health care article were not as strong because of more subtle alterations to "manufacture" bias. However, those reading the Fox versions were still much less likely (57 percent) to say the articles favored the liberal viewpoint compared to CNN (83 percent). Hypothesis two and three were unable to be substantially tested due to low sample size. The results also show that perceptions of bias based on content may actually be stronger than based on visual cues. For example, those reading the liberal troop reduction article (for any visual context) found it to be favoring liberals 69 percent of the time compared to six percent for those reading the conservative version at a significance level of .01. Conclusion: It does appear that framing based upon preconceived ideas about the bias of certain news outlets can make someone more likely to perceive bias in that same direction. However, the actual content of the story is a better predictor of how someone in this participant pool would perceive bias.

Līdz ar neatkarības atjaunošanu Latvijas, tāpat kā pārējo Centrālās un Austrumeiropas valstu politiskajā darba kārtībā nonāca demokrātiskam politiskajam režīmam atbilstošu institūciju veidošana, tai skaitā, reģionālajā pārvaldes līmenī. Kaut arī vairākas reizes tika pieņemti politiskie lēmumi par reģionālo pašvaldību izveidošanu, neviens no tiem nav realizēts. Viens no faktoriem, kas spējis paātrināt vairākas nozīmīgas reformas Latvijā, ir bijušas Eiropas Savienības iestāšanās prasības. Ņemot vērā reģionalizācijas pieredzi Rietumeiropas valstīs daļēji arī ES ietekmē un to, ka iestāšanās sarunu laikā reģionālais līmenis bija reformu procesā, šis faktors varēja ietekmēt izveidoto reģionu modeli. Šī maģistra darba mērķis bija izpētīt, cik lielā mērā Eiropas Savienība un īpaši iestāšanās sarunas un prasības ietekmēja reģionu veidošanu jeb reģionalizāciju Latvijā. Darbā tika izvirzīta šāda hipotēze: reģionalizāciju Latvijā vairāk ir ietekmējuši iekšvalstiski faktori, nevis Eiropas Savienības prasības. Darbā tika secināts, ka ES neizteica nekādas konkrētas norādes attiecībā uz veidojamajām institūcijām reģionu līmenī Latvijā. Taču var uzskatīt, ka ES progresa ziņojumos izteiktās norādes, nepieciešamība pielāgoties ES fondu apguves ietvaram, pieejamie pirmsiestāšanās fondu līdzekļi, kā arī mērķa reģionu noteikšana ES Phare 2000 programmas realizācijā zināmā mērā ir sekmējusi gan plānošanas reģionu organizēšanos no apakšas, gan to atzīšanu Latvijas likumdošanā, lai gan ES aktīvi un mērķtiecīgi ir pievērsusi uzmanību NUTS II un ne zemāka līmeņa reģionu stiprināšanai. Darba galvenais secinājums ir, ka, kaut arī ES bija zināma ietekme uz notikušo reģionalizāciju Latvijā, tāpat kā pārējās Centrālās un Austrumeiropas valstīs izšķirošie bija iekšvalstiskie faktori, tai skaitā, telpiskie faktori (valsts lielums), vēsturiskais mantojums, iekšpolitiskais konteksts, politisko aktieru mijiedarbība ar vēlēšanām saistītu īstermiņa interešu ietekmē un teritoriāli koncentrētu minoritāšu pastāvēšana. ; With the collapse of communist rule and restoration of independence at the beginning of 1990s the issue of establishment of institutions necessary for democratic political regime including institutions at intermediate level of government became part of the political agenda in Latvia as it was in the rest of Central and Eastern Europe. Although political decisions on setting up regional self-governments were adopted several times, none of them has been implemented. European Union accession requirements (conditionality) have considerably accelerated several problematic reforms in Latvia. Having regard to impact of EU on regionalization that had taken place in co called old EU member countries and that regional level of government was in the process of reform the EU accession requirements and process had potential to influence regionalization reforms in Latvia. Therefore the purpose of this study was to analyze to what extent EU conditionality has influenced regional level institution building i.e. regionalization in Latvia. The hypothesis was that regionalization in Latvia was influenced less by EU than by domestic factors. It was concluded that EU did not made detailed and concrete recommendations regarding form and number of regions and regional government institutions that should be established in Latvia. However, it can be argued that five planning regions were established in a bottom-up manner and were later recognised in legislation of Latvia largely under the influence of critic conveyed in Commission regular Progress reports, the need to adapt to the framework of Structural funds management, and determination of target regions for Phare Social and Economic Cohesion programme. The main conclusion of this research is that in Latvia similarly as in other CEE countries the decisive role in regionalisation reforms had the domestic factors like spatial factors (size of country), historical legacy, and domestic context, the interaction of domestic political actors and presence of territorially concentrated minorities.

El objeto del artículo es el análisis del sistema de financiación establecido en el Estatuto de Autonomía de Cataluña. El trabajo se centra fundamentalmente en el estudio de las competencias atribuidas a la Generalitat respecto de los ingresos públicos, haciendo especial hincapié en los que provienen de los tributos y de las participaciones por ser los más importantes de entre los que son de su titularidad. El artículo trata, por tanto, del régimen de distribución de competencias en esta materia entre el Estado y la Comunidad Autónoma desde la perspectiva constitucional, centrándose en la forma en que se ha incorporado al Estatuto de Autonomía y planteando cuestiones sobre la posible inconstitucionalidad de determinados preceptos, sobre todo respecto de los tributos cedidos y de las participaciones. En particular, se analiza des-de esta perspectiva tanto el régimen de la cesión de los impuestos como el correspondiente a los criterios de reparto de las participaciones. Es en estas fuentes de financiación en las que se proyectan fundamentalmente los principios informadores del sistema de financiación de las Comunidades Autónomas establecido en la Constitución, que se centran en el principio de autonomía y en el de solidaridad, convirtiéndose en las reglas sobre las que gira el análisis que se lleva a cabo en este trabajo. ; L'objecte de l'article és l'anàlisi del sistema de finançament establert en l'Estatut d'autonomia de Catalunya. El treball se centra fonamentalment en l'estudi de les competències atribuïdes a la Generalitat respecte dels ingressos públics, fent especial èmfasi en aquells que provenen dels tributs i de les participacions per ser els més importants d'entre els que són de la seva titulari-tat. L'article tracta, per tant, del règim de distribució de competències en aquesta matèria entre l'Estat i la comunitat autònoma des de la perspectiva constitucional, centrant-se en com s'ha incorporat a l'Estatut d'autonomia i plantejant qüestions sobre la possible inconstitucionalitat de determinats preceptes, sobre tot respecte dels tributs cedits i de les participacions. En particular, s'analitza des d'aquesta perspectiva tant el règim de la cessió dels impostos com els criteris de repartiment de les participacions. És en aquestes fonts de finançament en les que es projecten fonamentalment els principis informadors del sistema de finançament de les comunitats autònomes esta-blert en la Constitució, que se centren en el principi d'autonomia i en el de solidaritat, convertint-se en les regles sobre les quals gira l'anàlisi que es porta a terme en aquest treball. ; This article analyses from the perspective of the constitutional distribution of powers, the new funding system of the Catalan government as established by the 2006 Statute of Autonomy. It focuses on the analysis of those powers on revenues that the 2006 Statute gives to the Catalan government, more specifically on the analysis of the powers on taxes and on the competences for participating in the arising and/or management of central government's taxes. The article seeks to evaluate the extent to which these new sources of financing established by the new Statute, are formally and substantially in line with the principles the Spanish Constitution establishes as part of the structure of the financing system of the Autonomous Communities, the principle of autonomy and the principle of solidarity.

This introduction to the January 2008 special edition of PORTAL engages with the processes by which, in the early 21st century—an information age of hypertechnology, post-nationalism, post-Fordism, and dominating transnational media—culture and economy have become fused, and globalizations tend towards the mercantilization, commodification, and privatization of human experience. We recognize that access to the technologies of globalizations is uneven. Although cyberspace and other hypertechnologies have become an integral part of workspaces, and of the domestic space in most households, across Western industrialized societies, and for the middle and upper-classes everywhere, this is not a reality for most people in the world, including the Latin American underclasses, the majority of the continent's population. But we also agree with pundits who note how that limited access has not prevented a 'techno-virtual spillover' into the historical-material world. More and more people are increasingly touched by the techno-virtual realm and its logics, with a resultant transformation of global imaginaries in response to, for instance, the global spread of privatised entertainment and news via TV, satellites and the internet, and virtualized military operations (wars on terror, drugs, and rogue regimes). Under these hyperworldizing conditions, we asked, how might we talk about language, culture and history in Latin America, especially since language has an obvious, enduring importance as a tool for communication, and as the means to define culture and give narrative shape to our histories and power struggles? Our central term 'hyperworld(s)' presents us with numerous conceptual and epistemological challenges, not least because, whether unintended or not, it evokes cyberspace, thus gesturing toward either the seamless integration of physical and virtual reality, or its converse, a false opposition between the material and the virtual. The term may also evoke unresolved contradictions between discourses of technophobia and technophilia and, by extension, lead to dichotomized readings of the age in terms of the limits to, and capacities for, political resistance. In our conception, however, hyperworld(s) is not contained by the term virtuality; it encompasses, exceeds, challenges, and devours it. The production of hyperworld(s), or hyperworldization, connotes acceleration and hyperactivity on social, economic and financial levels, the intensified commodification of human life, the time-space compression of communication and much cultural production, the re-ordering of social relations themselves over-determined by technology wedded to capitalist market values, and, as a result, the re-ordering of daily life, cultural expression, and political activism for individuals and communities across the planet. These processes and intensities mean that new modes of reading the interactive and contradictory discursive fragmentations of the current epoch are required. Thus, rather than regarding cyberspace simply as the technological hallmark or dominant trope of our epoch, we might make deeper sense of hyperworld(s)—the bracketed plural implying myriad intersecting worlds within 'the' world—by identifying interactive entry points into contemporary lived historical-material and imagined complexities in the Latin American world(s). This article has been cited in the following: Duarte Alonso, Abel, and Yi Liu. "Changing Visitor Perceptions of a Capital City: The Case of Wellington, New Zealand." City Tourism: National Capital Perspectives, ed. Robert Maitland and Brent W. Richie. Wallingford, UK: CABI, 2010, 110-24.