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In recent years, academic research and policy circles alike frequently identify disinformation and fake news as a growing problem in western democracies. This has prompted calls for regulatory intervention. In the name of protecting the circulation of factually correct information and truth, and to protect and facilitate public debate, many public authorities are proposing steps for the regulation of information flows or their platforms. Before the appropriateness of regulatory measures however can be properly assessed, a more fine-grained understanding of the phenomenon of disinformation is required. In this light, this note discusses some recent academic literature, in search of answers to three topical questions from the perspective of policy makers: (1) Does the online mode of communication alter the nature and functioning of disinformation? (2) How do the institutions for creating (and maintaining trust in) public information relate to disinformation? and (3) How do motives other than malignant intentions cause or exacerbate the disinformation phenomenon? The note relies on the concepts of 'information ecologies' (Nardi and O'Day, 1999) and 'flat ontologies' (Latour, 2005) as heuristic devices to structure recent academic insights regarding disinformation. Accordingly, disinformation is approached as a communicative phenomenon consisting of an 'assemblage' of people, practices, values, and technologies. The note describes the basic features of the late modern disinformation phenomenon, discussing in turn the actors, technological features, and drivers that are implicated in it.

This book investigates women's political participation in Africa. Going beyond the formal institutions of electoral politics, it explores a range of spaces where everyday politics take place, at national and at local levels. In recent years there have been significant improvements in the number of women elected to parliament in Africa. However, there is little indication that this is translating into better developmental outcomes, and indeed there is mounting evidence that it could in fact help to bolster some authoritarian regimes. Starting from the premise that politics is a far broader project than securing a seat in national or local legislatures alone, this book explores the opportunities for women's political participation across a number of informal spaces where women and men gather, organise and interact in a more regular and systematic manner. Combining insights from political science, sociology and feminist theory and drawing on detailed cases from the Congo, Kenya, Malawi, Nigeria and Rwanda, it examines how power in its multiple dimensions circulates across a range of everyday political spaces, while drawing attention to the links between domestic gender inequalities and the global political economy. Inviting scholars, practitioners and activists to broaden their focus beyond formal electoral institutions if they want to support women to become more politically active, this book provides fresh insights into major issues at the heart of African studies, development studies, gender and development, democratisation, and international relations.

There are diff's between the soc level of the Negro & the white in Brazil. The Negro is subject to uncomplimentary stereotypes, ie, ill-smelling, drunkard, ignorant, & illiterate. Color is a barrier to entrance or promotion to a profession. Opposition to intermarriage between whites & Negroes is pronounced. Though colored candidates have won elections & have even become party leaders, their pol'al influence is small & a colored candidate suffers from derogatory stereotypes. A labor or racial vote does not exist. Anti-discrimination laws exist, but their rigid application is questionable. Because Brazil has an image (in contradiction to reality) of good race relations, it has a claim to a privileged position in dealing with the new nations of Africa. In turn, relationships with these countries will demand a favorable treatment of the colored pop. G. Speal.

Der Autor befaßt sich mit der Interaktion von ethnisch-nationalen und politischen Faktoren im armenisch-aserbaidschanischen Nationalitätenkonflikt um Berg-Karabach. In diesem Kontext analysiert er die Ursachen und den Verlauf der Konflikte zwischen zentralem, regionalem und lokalem KPdSU-Parteiapparat sowie zwischen der KPdSU und den unabhängigen politischen Vereinigungen in Aserbaidschan (Volksbewegung für die Vereinigung Karabachs mit Armenien, Aserbaidschanische Volksfront), deren Ziele und Entwicklung kurz umrissen werden. Der Verfasser hebt hervor, daß der Impuls für den politischen Wandel in Aserbaidschan nicht "von oben", von Moskau erfolgte, sondern von der - aserbaidschanischen - "Peripherie", vom Autonomen Gebiet Berg-Karabach ausging, dessen armenische Bevölkerungsmehrheit - ganz im Geiste der Perestrojka - ihr Recht auf kulturelle, politische und ökonomische Selbstbestimmung einforderte. (BIOst-Klk)

Artikel ini memetakan topik yang terus berkembang terkait Ekonomi Politik Internasonal Covid-19. Pemetaan ini tidak hanya penting namun juga menarik: (1) pandemi menjadi diskursus utama dalam lebih dari 1.5 tahun terakhir; (2) dibarengi dengan pertumbuhan ekonomi dunia yang melambat; (3) membuka spektrum baru persaingan antar great powers di level global; (4) kebijakan untuk mengurangi percepatan penularan virus, yaitu social distancing, harus berhadapan dengan aktivitas keseharian masyarakat luas yang sarat dengan interaksi sosial tinggi. Metode yang digunakan adalah studi literature engan memanfaatkan google scholar. Temuannya adalah pengelompokan topik ke dalam sejumlah tema (gender, crisis, research, racism, religion, mortality, mass hysteria dan policy), di samping temuan penting bahwa (1) riset terkait mengalami perluasan cepat secara ontologi yakni penambahan variabe-variabe baru, namun (2) miskin secara "dialektika" yakni kurangnya dialog antar argumen sehingga kurang menghasilkan kedalaman teoritik; dan (3) riset terkait didominasi oleh epistimologi positivistic, rationalistic, berorientasi problem solving dan rekomendasi kebijakan dengan mengabaikan pendekatan refleksi.Kata kunci: Ekonomi Politik Internasional, Covid-19, gender, crisis, racism, religion, mortality

A tale of two saints : the politics of blasphemy in Pakistan -- Blasphemy, apostasy, and heresy and the politics of outrage -- Debating blasphemy : sharia and the constitution -- Sacralizing the state and secularizing sharia : Islamic politics in the age of the nation-state -- The administrative state chasing the goldilock moment : the conundrums of a Muslim nation-state -- The fatigue of sharia and contemporary Muslim politics.

Background:On 2010 Australia launched a personally controlled electronic health record (PCEHR) later renamed and augmented by the My Health Record Act 2012 Cth. The main goal of the present systematic literature review was to assess if the system has improved Australia's healthcare system according to the objectives stated by the federal government in the My Health Record Act 2012 Cth.Methods: This systematic literature review was based on the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA).Results:Despite the MyHR system being available for seven years, there is limited empirical evaluation regarding its progress in achieving the stated goals. The results were segregated in four themes: (1) health information fragmentation, (2) Health information quality and management, (3) adverse medical events and duplication of treatment and (4) coordination of care. Regarding theme 1, it was evidenced that the system could reduce health information fragmentation; however, gaps in the workforce adoption were identified as a problem. About topic 2, improved access to information and possible misinterpretation were found. Theme 3 lacked research and theme 4 presented contradiction in the results. Conclusion:The My Health Record (MyHR) system is founded on four key objectives. However, there is insufficient evidence that any outcomes have been achieved relating to any of the objectives. Research is required to determine whether the MyHR system helped improve Australia's healthcare system according to the objectives stated in the Act 2012.

The debates on, in, and between feminist and trans* movements have been politically intense at best and aggressively hostile at worst. The key contestations have revolved around three issues: First, the question of who constitutes a woman; second, what constitute feminist interests; and third, how trans* politics intersects with feminist politics. Despite decades of debates and scholarship, these impasses remain unbroken. In this article, our aim is to work out a way through these impasses. We argue that all three types of contestations are deeply invested in notions of identity, and therefore dealt with in an identitarian way. This has not been constructive in resolving the antagonistic relationship between the trans* movement and feminism. We aim to disentangle the antagonism within anti-trans* feminist politics on the one hand, and trans* politics' responses to that antagonism on the other. In so doing, we argue for a politics of status-based recognition (drawing on Fraser, 2000a, 2000b) instead of identity-based recognition, highlighting individuals' specific needs in society rather than women's common interests (drawing on Jónasdóttir, 1991), and conceptualising the intersections of the trans* movement and feminism as mutually shaping rather than as trans* as additive to the feminist project (drawing on Walby, 2007, and Walby, Armstrong, and Strid, 2012). We do this by analysing the main contemporary scholarly debates on the relationship between the trans* movement and feminism within feminist and trans* politics. Unafraid of a polemic approach, our selection of material is strategic and illuminates the specific arguments put forward in the article.

The purpose of this issue brief is to enhance understanding of the politics of health insurance coverage expansion efforts, thereby increasing the probabilities that such expansions may be achieved. This study looks at recent coverage expansion efforts in five large, demographically diverse states — California, New York, Pennsylvania, Massachusetts and Illinois. It examines a number of elements crucial to health reform, including: policy options; stakeholder analysis; electoral and partisan considerations; leadership; policymaking processes; and public opinion and involvement. Highly relevant, too, are environmental, systemic or governance rules that define the boundaries within which a policy initiative occurs and over which policymakers may have little or no control. Support for this project was provided by a grant from the Commonwealth Fund.

This book is a pioneering work on the multi-faceted contributions of Dr Syama Prasad Mookerjee to India. Dr Mookerjee helped to oust the League ministry in Bengal (1941) and install the Progressive Coalition ministry of which he was the Finance Minister. He resigned in 1942 to protest against the Governor's policy of repression against the Quit India movement. As the Working President of the Hindu Mahasabha, he was responsible for its ascendancy in Indian politics from 1940-1944. As the Central Industries and Supplies Minister (1947-1950), he framed free India's industrial policy but resigned due to acute differences with Prime Minister Nehru's appeasement policy towards Pakistan. He, together with M.S. Golwalkar of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, formed a new political party, the Bharatiya Jan Sangh. Despite Dr Mookerjee's tragic death in 1953, the party drew adherents from all parts of India, and eventually was renamed the Bharatiya Janata Party.