Why are motion pictures often attributed to authors – or "filmmakers" – while dozens of names and occupations appear in film credits? Following Foucault's definition of authorship as a form of appropriation, this dissertation focuses on copyright law and authorship battles in order to explain the origins and existence of film authors. Rather than considering authors as the individuals who "make" movies or as a fiction overshadowing the collective nature of filmmaking, I show that the attribution of films to authors is the result of the division of filmmaking labor and its power relations. This research uses a sociohistorical perspective and a transnational approach centered on the United States and France, where film authors are not granted the same authorship rights. It sheds light on the national, international and transnational dimensions of the appropriation of motion pictures. This study starts when film authors first appeared in copyright law: as early as the 1900s.The first part of this dissertation focuses on the writing of motion pictures' property rights from the birth of cinema to the passing of the French copyright law of 1957 and of the Copyright Act of 1976. After decades of battles, these laws provided different definitions of film authors and granted them with different property rights. Using legal publications, congressional records and reports, as well as film journals, I study French and American laws as the results of a codification process shaped by preexisting law and by the cooperation and power relations between lawyers, public officials, politicians and film organizations. A study of the revisions of the Berne Convention for the protection of literary and artistic works also show the interdependency between national and international norms of film authorship and copyright law.The second part of the dissertation study the appropriation of motion pictures as a social relation based on the division of filmmaking labor and social labor. Film authorship battles which started in the 1910s contributed to the creation of professional hierarchies and to the differentiation of film value from other forms of economic and artistic value. I use various writings of film professionals, along with other sources, to show that film authorship was shaped by various aspects of film production, dissemination and reception (including the power relations between film professionals, the diversity of film careers and the uses of authors' names by film critics and audiences). To study the division of filmmaking labor, I use Pierre Bourdieu's research on cultural fields, Howard Becker's work on art worlds as well as scholarship on professions. The dissertation also shows that the professional hierarchies of motion picture production interrelate with various forms of domination common to other fields. For example, gender helped to establish and legitimate hierarchies between professions and occupations, to distribute film labor and to exclude women from dominant professions. Film production also generated huge economic inequalities which nurtured authorship battles and rose the prestige of authors. Lastly, I show that film authorship was influenced by transnational circulations of movies, workers and ideas, by the asymmetries of the international film market and by film nationalism. To study the international division of filmmaking labor, I use world-systems theory, research on translations and quantitative data.The third part of the dissertation focuses on film directors and their copyright battles since the 1960s. Film directors took part in the negotiations of bargaining agreements, the French copyright law of 1985, the ratification of the Berne Convention by the United States and various laws sanctioning "internet piracy" (such as HADOPI law and the SOPA law). In these legal battles, film directors claimed to be authors in order to be granted with rights fostering their power, recognition and earnings. The legal claims were denounced by other filmmakers who challenged film authorship, copyright law and the interests of dominant film companies. Using the concept of field, biographical data, network analysis and multiple correspondence analysis, I explain that the alliances and oppositions of filmmakers in copyright battles were shaped by their professional careers. I study the political representation of film directors by members and leaders of their professional organizations. I conducted dozens of interviews to understand the points of views of French filmmakers on their property rights and on economic inequalities between film professionals. I show that their points of view vary according to their incomes and positions in the filmmaking field.This dissertation is meant to be useful for scholars interested in the history of copyright law, motion pictures, authorship, the division of (artistic) labor, professions and transnational approaches. ; Pourquoi les films de cinéma sont-ils souvent attribués à des auteurs alors même que leurs génériques énumèrent des dizaines de noms propres et de noms de métiers ? A la suite de Michel Foucault et de sa définition de la « fonction-auteur » comme forme d'appropriation des discours, cette thèse étudie la genèse et l'existence des auteurs de films au prisme des luttes de définition de leurs droits de propriété. Plutôt que de considérer les auteurs de cinéma comme ceux qui « font » les films ou comme une fiction occultant le caractère collectif de leur fabrication, elle montre que les auteurs sont les produits d'une division du travail cinématographique et des rapports de domination qui la traversent. Ce travail, inscrit dans une perspective de sociologie historique, adopte un référentiel binational centré sur la France et les Etats-Unis, où les auteurs de films ne disposent pas des mêmes droits. Il vise à objectiver les dimensions nationales, internationales et transnationales de l'appropriation des films. La période étudiée débute au moment où des personnes et des groupes ont été définis juridiquement comme des auteurs de cinéma : dès les années 1900.La première partie de ce texte est consacrée à la définition du droit de propriété des films depuis l'émergence du cinéma jusqu'à l'adoption de la loi du 11 mars 1957 et du Copyright Act de 1976. Après des décennies de débats, ces lois ont défini différemment l'identité et les droits des auteurs de films. A partir de publications juridiques, cinématographiques et parlementaires, on étudie ces lois comme les résultats d'un travail de codification structuré par des normes préexistantes et par les relations entre les acteurs qui ont participé à leur rédaction. Le développement du droit de propriété cinématographique est à la fois la cause et la conséquence de la constitution d'un espace de négociation regroupant des professionnels du droit, des hauts fonctionnaires, des professionnels de la politique et des organisations professionnelles du cinéma, dont certaines se sont constituées dans le but de défendre le statut d'auteur de leurs membres. La thèse montre ce que les normes du droit de propriété cinématographique français et américain doivent aux savoir-faire et concurrences entre des experts du droit de propriété intellectuelle, ainsi qu'aux relations entre des organisations professionnelles inégalement dotées en ressources économiques, juridiques et politiques. En examinant les révisions de la Convention de Berne, on analyse les interdépendances entre les processus de définition des normes nationales et internationales de la propriété des films. La deuxième partie de la thèse prolonge et dépasse l'étude du droit de propriété en analysant l'appropriation des films comme une relation structurée par la division du travail cinématographique et social. Les luttes de définition de l'auteur de film qui ont débuté dans les années 1910 ont contribué à la hiérarchisation du personnel cinématographique et à la différenciation de la valeur cinématographique par rapport à d'autres formes de valeur économique et artistique. Des témoignages, autobiographies et publications cinématographiques permettent de montrer que l'attribution des films à des auteurs dépend de diverses relations de production, de diffusion et de valorisation des films, comme la répartition des tâches et du pouvoir entre le personnel, les incertitudes et inégalités qui structurent les trajectoires des prétendants au statut d'auteur et les vertus cognitives et distinctives de la fonction-auteur employée par les critiques et une fraction des spectateurs. On mobilise pour cela les travaux de Pierre Bourdieu sur les champs de production culturelle, d'Howard Becker sur les mondes de l'art et d'autres recherches sur les professions et artistiques et non-artistiques. En outre, la thèse constate que les hiérarchies professionnelles du cinéma se sont construites à l'intersection de rapports de domination communs à différents domaines d'activité. Par exemple, le genre a servi à hiérarchiser les groupes professionnels, à répartir le travail cinématographique et à exclure les femmes de certains métiers du cinéma. Le cinéma a produit d'immenses inégalités de richesse qui ont attisées les luttes de définition de l'auteur et accru le prestige de certains métiers. La thèse explique également ce que les hiérarchies professionnelles du cinéma doivent à des échanges transnationaux, des concurrences internationales et aux nationalismes et universalismes cinématographiques. A cette fin, elle objective les asymétries de la division internationale du travail cinématographique, à l'aide des concepts de centre et de périphérie employés par la théorie des systèmes-monde, de travaux sur les échanges internationaux de biens culturels et de données sur les palmarès de festivals internationaux et la production et les échanges de films.La troisième partie est centrée sur les cinéastes et leur mobilisation autour du droit de propriété des films depuis les années 1960. En négociant des conventions collectives, la loi du 3 juillet 1985 sur le droit d'auteur, l'adhésion des Etats-Unis à la Convention de Berne et des lois réprimant les pratiques dites de téléchargement illégal (comme les lois HADOPI et SOPA), des réalisateurs, des réalisatrices et leurs organisations ont fait valoir le statut d'auteur pour obtenir ou défendre des droits censés accroître leur pouvoir, leur reconnaissance et leurs revenus. Leurs revendications ont été dénoncées par des cinéastes remettant en cause la notion d'auteur, la propriété des œuvres et/ou les intérêts d'entreprises dominantes. Les alliances et divisions des cinéastes français sont rapportées à leurs trajectoires cinématographiques grâce au concept de champ et à des données prosopographiques traitées en combinant les méthodes de l'analyse des correspondances multiples et de l'analyse de réseaux. La thèse étudie la division du travail de représentation des cinéastes entre des professionnels plus ou moins connus et reconnus, des militants et des dirigeants de sociétés d'auteurs. Sur la base d'entretiens et d'observations, on observe les points de vue des cinéastes français sur leurs droits de propriété et sur la répartition de l'argent entre les groupes professionnels du cinéma. Ces points de vue varient en fonction des positions des cinéastes dans la division du travail cinématographique, dans le champ du cinéma et dans des hiérarchies économiques, objectivées à l'aide de données statistiques.Ce travail s'adresse ainsi aux personnes intéressées par l'histoire du droit d'auteur, du copyright, du cinéma, de ses auteurs et de leurs modes de production ; aux personnes réfléchissant à la division, la hiérarchisation et l'appropriation du travail artistique ou non-artistique ; aux personnes intéressées par les approches transnationales.
Für die Historische Bildungsforschung ist seit langem ein Rückgang ihrer Repräsentanz in der Lehre und in akademischen Stellen zu verzeichnen. Zugleich hat sich das thematische und methodische Spektrum dieser Teildisziplin der Erziehungswissenschaft in den letzten zwei Jahrzehnten beeindruckend erweitert. Dieser, der Bildungshistorikerin Edith Glaser gewidmete Band soll jener stetig wachsenden Vielfalt der Historischen Bildungsforschung Rechnung tragen und den Legitimationsdiskurs über Nutzen und Notwendigkeit bildungshistorischer Erkenntnisse aus zwei Sichtweisen bereichern. So werden zum einen exemplarische Beschäftigungsfelder bildungshistorischen Arbeitens aufgezeigt, zum anderen wird die Relevanz der Historischen Bildungsforschung als Bezugspunkt für andere Teildisziplinen der Erziehungswissenschaft, der Politikwissenschaft und der Geschichtswissenschaft dokumentiert. (DIPF/Orig.)
The issue of the journal opens with an article dedicated to the formation of metrology as government regulated activity in France. The article has discussed the historical process of development of metrological activity in France. It was revealed that the history of metrology is considered as an auxiliary historical and ethnographic discipline from a social and philosophical point of view as the evolution of scientific approaches to the definition of individual units of physical quantities and branches of metrology. However, in the scientific literature, the little attention is paid to the process of a development of a centralized institutional metrology system that is the organizational basis for ensuring the uniformity of measurements. The article by Irena Grebtsova and Maryna Kovalska is devoted to the of the development of the source criticism's knowledge in the Imperial Novorossiya University which was founded in the second half of the XIX century in Odesa. Grounding on a large complex of general scientific methods, and a historical method and source criticism, the authors identified the stages of the formation of source criticism in the process of teaching historical disciplines at the university, what they based on an analysis of the teaching activities of professors and associate professors of the Faculty of History and Philology. In the article, the development of the foundations of source criticism is considered as a complex process, which in Western European and Russian science was the result of the development of the theory and practice of everyday dialogue between scientists and historical sources. This process had a great influence on the advancement of a historical education in university, which was one of the important factors in the formation of source studies as a scientific discipline. The article by Tetiana Malovichko is devoted to the study of what changes the course of the probability theory has undergone from the end of the 19th century to our time based on the analysis of The Theory of Probabilities textbook by VasylP.Ermakov published in 1878. The paper contains a comparative analysis of The Probability Theory textbook and modern educational literature. The birth of children after infertility treatment of married couples with the help of assisted reproductive technologies has become a reality after many years of basic research on the physiology of reproductive system, development of oocyte's in vitro fertilization methods and cultivation of embryos at pre-implantation stages. Given the widespread use of assisted reproductive technologies in modern medical practice and the great interest of society to this problem, the aim of the study authors from the Institute for Problems of Cryobiology and Cryomedicine of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine was to trace the main stages and key events of assisted reproductive technologies in the world and in Ukraine, as well as to highlight the activities of outstanding scientists of domestic and world science who were at the origins of the development of this area. As a result of the work, it has been shown that despite certain ethical and social biases, the discovery of individual predecessor scientists became the basis for the efforts of Robert Edwards and Patrick Steptoe to ensure birth of the world's first child, whose conception occurred outside the mother's body. There are also historical facts and unique photos from our own archive, which confirm the fact of the first successful oocyte in vitro fertilization and the birth of a child after the use of assisted reproductive technologies in Ukraine. In the next article, the authors tried to consider and structure the stages of development and creation of the "Yermak", the world's first Arctic icebreaker, and analyzed the stages of preparation and the results of its first expeditions to explore the Arctic. Systematic analysis of historical sources and biographical material allowed to separate and comprehensively consider the conditions and prehistory for the development and creation of "Yermak" icebreaker. Also, the authors gave an assessment to the role of Vice Admiral Stepan Osypovych Makarov in those events, and analyzed the role of Sergei Yulyevich Witte, Dmitri Ivanovich Mendeleev and Pyotr Petrovich Semenov-Tian-Shansky in the preparation and implementation of the first Arctic expeditions of the "Yermak"icebreaker. The authors of the following article considered the historical aspects of construction and operation of train ferry routes. The article deals with the analysis and systematization of the data on the historical development of train ferry routes and describes the background for the construction of train ferry routes and their advantages over other combined transport types. It also deals with the basic features of the train ferries operating on the main international train ferry routes. The study is concerned with both sea routes and routes across rivers and lakes. The article shows the role of train ferry routes in the improvement of a national economy, and in the provision of the military defense. An analysis of numerous artefacts of the first third of the 20th century suggests that the production of many varieties of art-and-industrial ceramics developed in Halychyna, in particular architectural ceramic plastics, a variety of functional ceramics, decorative tiles, ceramic tiles, facing tiles, etc. The artistic features of Halychyna art ceramics, the richness of methods for decorating and shaping it, stylistic features, as well as numerous art societies, scientific and professional associations, groups, plants and factories specializing in the production of ceramics reflect the general development of this industry in the first half of the century and represent the prerequisites the emergence of the school of professional ceramics in Halychyna at the beginning of the 20th century. The purpose of the next paper is to analyze the formation and development of scientific and professional schools of art-and-industrial ceramics of Halychyna in the late 19th – early 20th centuries. During the environmental crisis, electric transport (e-transport) is becoming a matter for scientific inquiry, a subject of discussion in politics and among public figures. In the program for developing the municipal services of Ukraine, priorities are given to the development of the infrastructure of ecological transport: trolleybuses, electric buses, electric cars. The increased attention to e-transport on the part of the scientific community, politicians, and the public actualizes the study of its history, development, features of operation, etc. The aim of the next study is to highlight little-known facts of the history of production and operation of MAN trolleybuses in Ukrainian cities, as well as to introduce their technical characteristics into scientific circulation. The types, specific design solutions of the first MAN trolleybus generation and the prerequisites for their appearance in Chernivtsi have been determined. Particular attention has been paid to trolleybuses that were in operation in Germany and other Western European countries from the first half of the 1930s to the early 1950s. The paper traces the stages of operation of the MAN trolleybuses in Chernivtsi, where they worked during 1939–1944 and after the end of the Second World War, they were transferred to Kyiv. After two years of operation in the Ukrainian capital, the trolleybuses entered the routes in Dnipropetrovsk during 1947–1951. The purpose of the article by authors from the State University of Infrastructure and Technologies of Ukraine is to thoroughly analyze unpaved roads of the late 18th – early 19th century, as well as the project of the first wooden trackway as the forerunner of the Bukovyna railways. To achieve this purpose, the authors first reviewed how railways were constructed in the Austrian Empire during 1830s – 1850s. Then, in contrast with the first railway networks that emerged and developed in the Austrian Empire, the authors made an analysis of the condition and characteristics of unpaved roads in Bukovyna. In addition, the authors considered the first attempt to create a wooden trackway as a prototype and predecessor of the Bukovyna railway. ; The issue of the journal opens with an article dedicated to the formation of metrology as government regulated activity in France. The article has discussed the historical process of development of metrological activity in France. It was revealed that the history of metrology is considered as an auxiliary historical and ethnographic discipline from a social and philosophical point of view as the evolution of scientific approaches to the definition of individual units of physical quantities and branches of metrology. However, in the scientific literature, the little attention is paid to the process of a development of a centralized institutional metrology system that is the organizational basis for ensuring the uniformity of measurements. The article by Irena Grebtsova and Maryna Kovalska is devoted to the of the development of the source criticism's knowledge in the Imperial Novorossiya University which was founded in the second half of the XIX century in Odesa. Grounding on a large complex of general scientific methods, and a historical method and source criticism, the authors identified the stages of the formation of source criticism in the process of teaching historical disciplines at the university, what they based on an analysis of the teaching activities of professors and associate professors of the Faculty of History and Philology. In the article, the development of the foundations of source criticism is considered as a complex process, which in Western European and Russian science was the result of the development of the theory and practice of everyday dialogue between scientists and historical sources. This process had a great influence on the advancement of a historical education in university, which was one of the important factors in the formation of source studies as a scientific discipline. The article by Tetiana Malovichko is devoted to the study of what changes the course of the probability theory has undergone from the end of the 19th century to our time based on the analysis of The Theory of Probabilities textbook by VasylP.Ermakov published in 1878. The paper contains a comparative analysis of The Probability Theory textbook and modern educational literature. The birth of children after infertility treatment of married couples with the help of assisted reproductive technologies has become a reality after many years of basic research on the physiology of reproductive system, development of oocyte's in vitro fertilization methods and cultivation of embryos at pre-implantation stages. Given the widespread use of assisted reproductive technologies in modern medical practice and the great interest of society to this problem, the aim of the study authors from the Institute for Problems of Cryobiology and Cryomedicine of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine was to trace the main stages and key events of assisted reproductive technologies in the world and in Ukraine, as well as to highlight the activities of outstanding scientists of domestic and world science who were at the origins of the development of this area. As a result of the work, it has been shown that despite certain ethical and social biases, the discovery of individual predecessor scientists became the basis for the efforts of Robert Edwards and Patrick Steptoe to ensure birth of the world's first child, whose conception occurred outside the mother's body. There are also historical facts and unique photos from our own archive, which confirm the fact of the first successful oocyte in vitro fertilization and the birth of a child after the use of assisted reproductive technologies in Ukraine. In the next article, the authors tried to consider and structure the stages of development and creation of the "Yermak", the world's first Arctic icebreaker, and analyzed the stages of preparation and the results of its first expeditions to explore the Arctic. Systematic analysis of historical sources and biographical material allowed to separate and comprehensively consider the conditions and prehistory for the development and creation of "Yermak" icebreaker. Also, the authors gave an assessment to the role of Vice Admiral Stepan Osypovych Makarov in those events, and analyzed the role of Sergei Yulyevich Witte, Dmitri Ivanovich Mendeleev and Pyotr Petrovich Semenov-Tian-Shansky in the preparation and implementation of the first Arctic expeditions of the "Yermak"icebreaker. The authors of the following article considered the historical aspects of construction and operation of train ferry routes. The article deals with the analysis and systematization of the data on the historical development of train ferry routes and describes the background for the construction of train ferry routes and their advantages over other combined transport types. It also deals with the basic features of the train ferries operating on the main international train ferry routes. The study is concerned with both sea routes and routes across rivers and lakes. The article shows the role of train ferry routes in the improvement of a national economy, and in the provision of the military defense. An analysis of numerous artefacts of the first third of the 20th century suggests that the production of many varieties of art-and-industrial ceramics developed in Halychyna, in particular architectural ceramic plastics, a variety of functional ceramics, decorative tiles, ceramic tiles, facing tiles, etc. The artistic features of Halychyna art ceramics, the richness of methods for decorating and shaping it, stylistic features, as well as numerous art societies, scientific and professional associations, groups, plants and factories specializing in the production of ceramics reflect the general development of this industry in the first half of the century and represent the prerequisites the emergence of the school of professional ceramics in Halychyna at the beginning of the 20th century. The purpose of the next paper is to analyze the formation and development of scientific and professional schools of art-and-industrial ceramics of Halychyna in the late 19th – early 20th centuries. During the environmental crisis, electric transport (e-transport) is becoming a matter for scientific inquiry, a subject of discussion in politics and among public figures. In the program for developing the municipal services of Ukraine, priorities are given to the development of the infrastructure of ecological transport: trolleybuses, electric buses, electric cars. The increased attention to e-transport on the part of the scientific community, politicians, and the public actualizes the study of its history, development, features of operation, etc. The aim of the next study is to highlight little-known facts of the history of production and operation of MAN trolleybuses in Ukrainian cities, as well as to introduce their technical characteristics into scientific circulation. The types, specific design solutions of the first MAN trolleybus generation and the prerequisites for their appearance in Chernivtsi have been determined. Particular attention has been paid to trolleybuses that were in operation in Germany and other Western European countries from the first half of the 1930s to the early 1950s. The paper traces the stages of operation of the MAN trolleybuses in Chernivtsi, where they worked during 1939–1944 and after the end of the Second World War, they were transferred to Kyiv. After two years of operation in the Ukrainian capital, the trolleybuses entered the routes in Dnipropetrovsk during 1947–1951. The purpose of the article by authors from the State University of Infrastructure and Technologies of Ukraine is to thoroughly analyze unpaved roads of the late 18th – early 19th century, as well as the project of the first wooden trackway as the forerunner of the Bukovyna railways. To achieve this purpose, the authors first reviewed how railways were constructed in the Austrian Empire during 1830s – 1850s. Then, in contrast with the first railway networks that emerged and developed in the Austrian Empire, the authors made an analysis of the condition and characteristics of unpaved roads in Bukovyna. In addition, the authors considered the first attempt to create a wooden trackway as a prototype and predecessor of the Bukovyna railway. ; The issue of the journal opens with an article dedicated to the formation of metrology as government regulated activity in France. The article has discussed the historical process of development of metrological activity in France. It was revealed that the history of metrology is considered as an auxiliary historical and ethnographic discipline from a social and philosophical point of view as the evolution of scientific approaches to the definition of individual units of physical quantities and branches of metrology. However, in the scientific literature, the little attention is paid to the process of a development of a centralized institutional metrology system that is the organizational basis for ensuring the uniformity of measurements. The article by Irena Grebtsova and Maryna Kovalska is devoted to the of the development of the source criticism's knowledge in the Imperial Novorossiya University which was founded in the second half of the XIX century in Odesa. Grounding on a large complex of general scientific methods, and a historical method and source criticism, the authors identified the stages of the formation of source criticism in the process of teaching historical disciplines at the university, what they based on an analysis of the teaching activities of professors and associate professors of the Faculty of History and Philology. In the article, the development of the foundations of source criticism is considered as a complex process, which in Western European and Russian science was the result of the development of the theory and practice of everyday dialogue between scientists and historical sources. This process had a great influence on the advancement of a historical education in university, which was one of the important factors in the formation of source studies as a scientific discipline. The article by Tetiana Malovichko is devoted to the study of what changes the course of the probability theory has undergone from the end of the 19th century to our time based on the analysis of The Theory of Probabilities textbook by VasylP.Ermakov published in 1878. The paper contains a comparative analysis of The Probability Theory textbook and modern educational literature. The birth of children after infertility treatment of married couples with the help of assisted reproductive technologies has become a reality after many years of basic research on the physiology of reproductive system, development of oocyte's in vitro fertilization methods and cultivation of embryos at pre-implantation stages. Given the widespread use of assisted reproductive technologies in modern medical practice and the great interest of society to this problem, the aim of the study authors from the Institute for Problems of Cryobiology and Cryomedicine of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine was to trace the main stages and key events of assisted reproductive technologies in the world and in Ukraine, as well as to highlight the activities of outstanding scientists of domestic and world science who were at the origins of the development of this area. As a result of the work, it has been shown that despite certain ethical and social biases, the discovery of individual predecessor scientists became the basis for the efforts of Robert Edwards and Patrick Steptoe to ensure birth of the world's first child, whose conception occurred outside the mother's body. There are also historical facts and unique photos from our own archive, which confirm the fact of the first successful oocyte in vitro fertilization and the birth of a child after the use of assisted reproductive technologies in Ukraine. In the next article, the authors tried to consider and structure the stages of development and creation of the "Yermak", the world's first Arctic icebreaker, and analyzed the stages of preparation and the results of its first expeditions to explore the Arctic. Systematic analysis of historical sources and biographical material allowed to separate and comprehensively consider the conditions and prehistory for the development and creation of "Yermak" icebreaker. Also, the authors gave an assessment to the role of Vice Admiral Stepan Osypovych Makarov in those events, and analyzed the role of Sergei Yulyevich Witte, Dmitri Ivanovich Mendeleev and Pyotr Petrovich Semenov-Tian-Shansky in the preparation and implementation of the first Arctic expeditions of the "Yermak"icebreaker. The authors of the following article considered the historical aspects of construction and operation of train ferry routes. The article deals with the analysis and systematization of the data on the historical development of train ferry routes and describes the background for the construction of train ferry routes and their advantages over other combined transport types. It also deals with the basic features of the train ferries operating on the main international train ferry routes. The study is concerned with both sea routes and routes across rivers and lakes. The article shows the role of train ferry routes in the improvement of a national economy, and in the provision of the military defense. An analysis of numerous artefacts of the first third of the 20th century suggests that the production of many varieties of art-and-industrial ceramics developed in Halychyna, in particular architectural ceramic plastics, a variety of functional ceramics, decorative tiles, ceramic tiles, facing tiles, etc. The artistic features of Halychyna art ceramics, the richness of methods for decorating and shaping it, stylistic features, as well as numerous art societies, scientific and professional associations, groups, plants and factories specializing in the production of ceramics reflect the general development of this industry in the first half of the century and represent the prerequisites the emergence of the school of professional ceramics in Halychyna at the beginning of the 20th century. The purpose of the next paper is to analyze the formation and development of scientific and professional schools of art-and-industrial ceramics of Halychyna in the late 19th – early 20th centuries. During the environmental crisis, electric transport (e-transport) is becoming a matter for scientific inquiry, a subject of discussion in politics and among public figures. In the program for developing the municipal services of Ukraine, priorities are given to the development of the infrastructure of ecological transport: trolleybuses, electric buses, electric cars. The increased attention to e-transport on the part of the scientific community, politicians, and the public actualizes the study of its history, development, features of operation, etc. The aim of the next study is to highlight little-known facts of the history of production and operation of MAN trolleybuses in Ukrainian cities, as well as to introduce their technical characteristics into scientific circulation. The types, specific design solutions of the first MAN trolleybus generation and the prerequisites for their appearance in Chernivtsi have been determined. Particular attention has been paid to trolleybuses that were in operation in Germany and other Western European countries from the first half of the 1930s to the early 1950s. The paper traces the stages of operation of the MAN trolleybuses in Chernivtsi, where they worked during 1939–1944 and after the end of the Second World War, they were transferred to Kyiv. After two years of operation in the Ukrainian capital, the trolleybuses entered the routes in Dnipropetrovsk during 1947–1951. The purpose of the article by authors from the State University of Infrastructure and Technologies of Ukraine is to thoroughly analyze unpaved roads of the late 18th – early 19th century, as well as the project of the first wooden trackway as the forerunner of the Bukovyna railways. To achieve this purpose, the authors first reviewed how railways were constructed in the Austrian Empire during 1830s – 1850s. Then, in contrast with the first railway networks that emerged and developed in the Austrian Empire, the authors made an analysis of the condition and characteristics of unpaved roads in Bukovyna. In addition, the authors considered the first attempt to create a wooden trackway as a prototype and predecessor of the Bukovyna railway.
Relevance of the research in studying the mechanisms of transformations in the ideology and and social practices of conscious Ukrainianness. The article aims to highlight the process of ideological evolution and practical activities of one of the prominent figures of the Ukrainian national movement А. А. Rusov (1847-1915) from national culture to political gradualism. The study used a personalistic approach, historical and biographical, historical-systemic and historical-typological methods. Results. On the basis of various archival and published documentary and narrative material, it is shown that according to his worldview, Аleksandr Rusov was one of the typical representatives of Ukrainian patriotism. In the 1880s and 1890s, he took care of the national culture, which aimed at the national and cultural revival of Ukraine. This activity was carried out by legal means within the statistical bureaus of zemstvos, in elected positions of zemstvo self-government, in scientific societies. Recognition of the scientific achievements of the candidate of St. Vladimir's University was his membership in the Russian Geographical, Moscow Archaeological, Kyiv Law Societies. Many good deeds were done by Ukrainian intellectuals in the Society for Mutual Assistance to Students and Teachers, the Charitable Society for the Publication of Useful and Cheap Books, the Ukrainian Scientific Society in Kyiv, and the Kyiv branch of the Shevchenko Scientific Society. We should also point out his active organizational and journalistic activities in support of the Ukrainian press, in particular the weekly «Ukrainsky Vestnik» the «Hromadske Slovo» and «Rada» newspapers. At the same time, А. А. Rusov acted in semi-legal Ukrainian communities and circles, repeatedly subjected to searches, police surveillance and imprisonment. In the late nineteenth – early twentieth century he was no longer limited to national culture but took an active part in the activities of political gradual organizations, in particular, such as the All-Ukrainian General Organization; was one of the initiators of the Society of Ukrainian Progressives. The Ukrainian activist became a consistent supporter of gradual work and did not share the political violence of the left-wing Russian socialists. Conclusions. It is proved that during the 1880s and 1900s А.А. Rusov was one of the prominent figures in the Ukrainian national movement, whose activity lasted both in the provinces of Dnieper Ukraine and in St. Petersburg. Ukrainian intellectual and public and political figure made a significant contribution to the Ukrainian national cause, consistently defending the right of the Ukrainian people to their native language, literature, press, school, scientific knowledge, etc. The originality and scientific novelty of the article lies in a certain increase in specific historical material and in the coverage of the personality of А. А. Rusov as a Ukrainian intellectual, who in the late nineteenth - early twentieth century was not limited to national culture, but combined it with the gradual socio-political activities. ; Актуальність дослідження у вивченні механізмів трансформацій в ідеології та соціальних практиках свідомого українства. Стаття ставить на меті висвітлити процес ідейної еволюції та практичної діяльності одного з визначних діячів українського національного руху О. О. Русова (1847–1915) від національного культурництва до політичної поступовості. В дослідженні застосовано персоналістичний підхід, історико-біографічний, історико-системний та історико-типологічний методи. Результати. На основі різноманітного архівного та опублікованого документального й оповідного матеріалу показано, що за своїм світоглядом Олександр Русов належав до типових представників українського народолюбства. У 1880-х–1890-х рр. він опікувався національним культурництвом, яке мало на меті національно-культурне відродження України. Засобами для цього було поширення наукових знань, розвиток культури та патріотичних почуттів до батьківщини – України. Ця діяльність здійснювалася легальними засобами в межах статистичних бюро земств, на виборних посадах земського самоврядування, в наукових товариствах. Визнанням наукового доробку кандидата Університету Св. Володимира стало його членство в Російському географічному, Московському археологічному, Київському юридичному товариствах. Багато добрих справ було зроблено українським інтелектуалом в «Обществе взаємного вспомоществования учащим и учившим», «Благотворительном обществе издания общеполезных и дешевых книг», Українському науковому товаристві в Києві, Київському осередку Наукового товариства імені Шевченка. Слід також вказати на його активну організаційну й публіцистичну діяльність з підтримки української преси, зокрема тижневика «Украинский вестник», газет «Громадське слово» та «Рада». Водночас О. О. Русов діяв у напівлегальних українських громадах та гуртках, неодноразово піддавався обшукам, поліцейському нагляду та ув'язненням. Наприкінці ХІХ – на початку ХХ ст. він вже не обмежувався національним культурництвом, а брав активну участь у діяльності політичних поступових організацій, зокрема таких, як Всеукраїнська загальна організація; був одним з ініціаторів створення Товариства українських поступовців. Український діяч став послідовним прихильником поступової праці й не поділяв політичного насильства лівих російських соціалістів. Висновки. Доведено, що впродовж 1880-х– 1900-х рр. О. О. Русов належав до помітних постатей в українському національному русі, діяльність якого тривала як у губерніях Наддніпрянської України, так і в Санкт-Петербурзі. Український інтелектуал та громадсько-політичний діяч зробив вагомий внесок в українську національну справу, послідовно відстоюючи право українського народу на рідну мову, літературу, пресу, школу, наукові знання тощо. Оригінальність і наукова новизна статті полягає у певному прирощенні конкретно-історичного матеріалу і у висвітленні особистості О. О. Русова як українського інтелектуала, котрий наприкінці ХІХ – на початку ХХ ст. не обмежувався національним культурництвом, а поєднував його з поступовою громадсько-політичною діяльністю. ; Актуальність дослідження у вивченні механізмів трансформацій в ідеології та соціальних практиках свідомого українства. Стаття ставить на меті висвітлити процес ідейної еволюції та практичної діяльності одного з визначних діячів українського національного руху О. О. Русова (1847–1915) від національного культурництва до політичної поступовості. В дослідженні застосовано персоналістичний підхід, історико-біографічний, історико-системний та історико-типологічний методи. Результати. На основі різноманітного архівного та опублікованого документального й оповідного матеріалу показано, що за своїм світоглядом Олександр Русов належав до типових представників українського народолюбства. У 1880-х–1890-х рр. він опікувався національним культурництвом, яке мало на меті національно-культурне відродження України. Засобами для цього було поширення наукових знань, розвиток культури та патріотичних почуттів до батьківщини – України. Ця діяльність здійснювалася легальними засобами в межах статистичних бюро земств, на виборних посадах земського самоврядування, в наукових товариствах. Визнанням наукового доробку кандидата Університету Св. Володимира стало його членство в Російському географічному, Московському археологічному, Київському юридичному товариствах. Багато добрих справ було зроблено українським інтелектуалом в «Обществе взаємного вспомоществования учащим и учившим», «Благотворительном обществе издания общеполезных и дешевых книг», Українському науковому товаристві в Києві, Київському осередку Наукового товариства імені Шевченка. Слід також вказати на його активну організаційну й публіцистичну діяльність з підтримки української преси, зокрема тижневика «Украинский вестник», газет «Громадське слово» та «Рада». Водночас О. О. Русов діяв у напівлегальних українських громадах та гуртках, неодноразово піддавався обшукам, поліцейському нагляду та ув'язненням. Наприкінці ХІХ – на початку ХХ ст. він вже не обмежувався національним культурництвом, а брав активну участь у діяльності політичних поступових організацій, зокрема таких, як Всеукраїнська загальна організація; був одним з ініціаторів створення Товариства українських поступовців. Український діяч став послідовним прихильником поступової праці й не поділяв політичного насильства лівих російських соціалістів. Висновки. Доведено, що впродовж 1880-х– 1900-х рр. О. О. Русов належав до помітних постатей в українському національному русі, діяльність якого тривала як у губерніях Наддніпрянської України, так і в Санкт-Петербурзі. Український інтелектуал та громадсько-політичний діяч зробив вагомий внесок в українську національну справу, послідовно відстоюючи право українського народу на рідну мову, літературу, пресу, школу, наукові знання тощо. Оригінальність і наукова новизна статті полягає у певному прирощенні конкретно-історичного матеріалу і у висвітленні особистості О. О. Русова як українського інтелектуала, котрий наприкінці ХІХ – на початку ХХ ст. не обмежувався національним культурництвом, а поєднував його з поступовою громадсько-політичною діяльністю.
Tutkimuksessa tarkasteltiin naisten naisille patriarkaalisissa kuria- ja kereweyhteisöissä luoteis-Tansaniassa tekemän väkivallan mekanismeja ja syitä. Afrikassa monet patriarkaaliset yhteisöt ovat perinteisesti kontrolloineet naisten kehoja erilaisin kulttuurisin käytännöin. Tyttöjen ja naisten odotetaan osallistuvan näihin käytäntöihin ja olevan vastustamatta niitä silloinkin, kun ne ovat vaaraksi heidän terveydelleen ja elämälleen. Käytännössä naisia ja heidän kehojaan kontrolloivien käytäntöjen toimeenpano on usein yhteisöjen iäkkäämpien naisten tehtävä. Yhteisöissä naisia kontrolloivat perinteiset käytännöt nähdään tutkimuksissa yhteiskunnan poliittisen ja taloudellisen tasapainon ja sosiaalisen järjestyksen ylläpitona. Tutkimus pyrki vastaamaan kolmeen kysymykseen: Miten naisten toisille naisille tekemä väkivalta jatkuu? Mitkä mekanismit mahdollistavat naisten alistavan vallan toisia naisia kohtaan? Mitkä tekijät ylläpitävät naisten toisiin naisiin kohdistavaa väkivaltaa? Tutkimus kohdistuu kolmeen perinteiseen käytäntöön: naisten sukupuolielinten silpominen, naisleskien puhdistusrituaali ja naisten välinen avioliitto. Tutkituissa yhteisöissä Tansanian järvialueilla naisten sukupuolielinten silpominen joko kokonaan tai osin on siirtymäriitti lapsuudesta aikuisuuteen. Lesken puhdistus on kulttuurinen käytäntö, jonka jotkut naiset läpikäyvät aviomiehensä kuoleman jälkeen. Siihen kuuluu, että leski on sukupuoliyhteydessä niin sanotun puhdistajan kanssa. Puhdistusrituaalin myötä lesken ajatellaan puhdistuvan edesmenneen puolisonsa kummittelusta (ja todentavansa syyttömyytensä tämän kuolemaan), jolloin hänet voidaan jälleen hyväksyä osaksi perhettä ja yhteisöä. Naisten välinen avioliitto on paikallinen käytäntö, jossa lapseton nainen tai nainen, jolla on vain tyttölapsia, maksaa morsiusmaksut nuoremmasta naisesta ja tulee näin ikään kuin hänen aviopuolisokseen saaden vallan häneen ja hänen jälkikasvuunsa. Tällaisissa suhteissa nuoremmat naiset ovat yleensä vanhempien puolisoidensa reproduktio-instrumentteja: järjestelyn tarkoitus on että he synnyttäisivät lapsia vanhemmalle naiselle. Nämä käytännöt jatkuvat Tansanian järvialueilla, vaikka niitä on pyritty poistamaan monin kansallisin ja kansainvälisin toimin. Tutkimus nojautuu kriittiseen sosiaalityön teoriaan, jossa kysymykset vallasta, vallan puutteesta, sorrosta, etuoikeuksista, sosiaalisten rakenteiden vaikutuksista ihmisten elämään, tietoisuuden lisäämisestä ja ihmisten vapauttamisesta ovat keskeisiä. Laadullisen tutkimusorientaation mukaisesti tutkimuksessa kerättiin elämänkerrallinen haastatteluaineisto edellä mainittuihin perinteisiin käytäntöihin sidoksissa olevien naisten parissa. Haastattelut (n=26) ja fokusryhmähaastattelut (n=6) muodostivat empiirisen aineiston. Aineisto kerättiin yhteistyössä tutkimusalueella toimivan kansalaisjärjestön kanssa (Kivulini Women's Rights Organisation). Aineisto tallennettiin kiswahiliksi ja käännettiin myöhemmin englanniksi ja puhtaaksikirjoitettiin. Aineisto analysoitiin temaattisen analyysin menetelmällä. Tutkimuksessa todetaan ensinnäkin, että tutkitut naisten identiteettiä ja sosiaalista hyvinvointia vahvistaviksi tarkoitetut käytännöt vaurioittavat naisten ja tyttöjen seksuaalisuutta ja terveyttä monin eri tavoin. Vaikka vanhemmat naiset tunnistavat perinteisten käytäntöjen naisille aiheuttamat haitat, he näkevät rituaalien käytäntöönpanon ja ylläpidon velvollisuutenaan. Koska teot motivoituvat vahvasti kulttuuristen ja perinteisten uskomusten pohjalta, niitä toteuttavat naiset eivät tunnista osallistuvansa väkivallantekoihin. Toiseksi tutkimuksessa todettiin, että lainsäädäntö tunnistaa olemassa olevan niin sanotun perinteisen oikeuden, jonka piiriin naisten silpominen, leskien puhdistus, naisten väliset avioliitot ja muut yhteisöjen sisäisiksi ajatellut kulttuuriset käytännöt kuuluvat. Vaikka laki kieltää naisten oikeuksien loukkaamisen ja heidän vahingoittamisensa myös perinteisten käytäntöjen osalta, laki ja vallitsevat oikeuskäytännöt eivät onnistu riittävästi sääntelemään konflikteja, jotka syntyvät sosio-kulttuuristen käytäntöjen ja ihmisoikeusnormien välille. Siksi tutkituissa yhteisöissä naisten oikeuksia loukataan toistuvasti. Kolmanneksi tutkimus tuo näkyviin patriarkaalisessa yhteisössä vallitsevaa tutkittuja käytäntöjä koskevaa hiljaisuuden kulttuuria. Tutkimuksen johtopäätös on, että naisten kokema pelko pahoja enteitä, aiempien sukupolvien kirousta ja yhteisöstä poissulkemista kohtaan pitää käytäntöjä niin vahvasti yllä, että viranomaissanktiot eivät vaikuta niihin. Käytäntöihin on kuitenkin mahdollista vaikuttaa sosiaalityön keinoin. Tutkimuksessa suositellaan, että sosiaalityöntekijöiden tulisi aktivoida ja koordinoida lähiyhteisöjen, valtion ja kansalaisjärjestöjen verkostoja muutoksen aikaansaamiseksi. Lisäksi sosiaalityöntekijöiden tulisi vahvistaa ihmisten tietoisuutta yhteisöjen alistavista käytännöistä ja rohkaista heitä korvaamaan terveydelle vaaralliset ja muuten haitalliset käytännöt muilla yhteisöissä merkityksellisillä symbolisilla käytännöillä. ; This study explored the mechanisms that sustain the phenomenon of women-to-women violence in the patriarchal communities of the Kuria and the Kerewe ethnic groups located in the north-western part of Tanzania. Most cultures in the patriarchal communities have traditionally exercised strict control over the female bodies in a wide range of cultural practices in Africa. Women and girls in these communities are made to undergo and are unable to oppose certain traditional practices even when these practices have adverse consequences on their health and lives. Studies in this field have indicated that elderly women in Africa are implicated in ensuring the implementation of the gender roles for the political and economic stability for the social order. This study attempted to answer three research questions: How is the phenomenon of "women-to-women" violence perpetuated over time? What are the mechanisms in which women establish domination and power over fellow women? What are the driving force feeding continual women-to-women violence? The focus of the study was on three traditional practices: female genital cutting (FGC), widow cleansing rituals, and woman-to-woman marriage, which are examples of subtle cultural violence perpetuated by women on women. FGC is the removal of part or all the female genitalia as a rite of passage from childhood to adulthood. Widow cleansing ritual is a cultural practice some women undergo after the death of their husband. It requires the widow to have sex with a village cleanser to be purified from the haunted spirit of her deceased husband. Woman-to-woman marriage (Nyumba Ntobhu) refers to the institution whereby a barren woman or a woman who have only girl children pay a dowry to marry another woman (very often a younger woman) and assumes control over her and her offspring. These three practices continue to exist in communities along the Lake Zone regions of Tanzania despite efforts made to address and curb them through various initiatives nationally and internationally. This study was guided by critical social work theory, which deals with issues of power and powerlessness, oppression, privilege, the impacts of structural issues on peoples' lives, empowerment, consciousness raising and liberation of people. The study adopted a qualitative approach, where data were gathered via interviews, which drew on the biographical narratives of a selected group of women who were subjects to the traditional practices examined. Interviews (n=26) and focus group discussions (n=6) were conducted to collect the empirical data. The narratives were collected in collaboration with the "Kivulini Women's Rights Organisation," (NGO) that works in the targeted area. Interviews and discussions were recorded in Kiswahili, which were later translated into English and transcribed. Thematic analyses were used to analyze the data. The study found, firstly, that the traditional practices that are intended to give identity and shape the social well-being of the women and girls also harm their sexuality and affect their health in various ways. While the senior women acknowledged the harm done to women's bodies through the traditional practices, they perceived their role in promoting the rituals as a duty. However, they do not recognise their involvement as perpetuating violence due to the societal demand of cultural and traditional beliefs. Secondly, this study discovered that the state laws recognise the application of the customary laws related to female genital cutting, and widow cleansing rituals. However, where the customary laws violated the rights of the women, the state laws fall short to provide the mechanism for the resolutions of the conflict that arose between the norms of the studied socio-cultural practices and the human rights norms. The woman-to-woman marriage is neither mentioned nor recognised in the state law. Hence, women in the studied communities continue to be discriminated against and their rights violated. Thirdly, the study highlighted that there is a culture of silence in the patriarchal society about the types of violence that is intertwined with traditional practices. The study concludes that the women's fear of bad omen, the curse of the ancestral spirits and community ostracisation or isolation rather than government sanctions had kept the practice alive and on-going. These findings give certain tasks for social work. Hence, the study recommends that social workers need to coordinate as facilitators to network with all the entities such as local community members and organisations (both government and NGOs) who are involved in community building in bringing about the needed change. In addition, social workers need to conscientise the locals to address the perceived oppressive practices in their communities and encourage them to replace the harm-inducing cultural and traditional practices with symbolic rituals that are meaningful in their own context.
A hurricane threat, a shortened schedule, some botched scheduling and an audience that couldn't get excited in unison were just a few of the challenges that confronted the Republican Party's Convention that concluded this past week in Tampa, Florida. The main purpose was to reintroduce Mitt Romney to the file and rank of his own party as well as to the wider national audience and to show that, besides business experience and his CEO approach to politics, the man is also human. With the help of Ann Romney, this was arguably accomplished. However, once humanized, the candidate had to convey a compelling message, a vision of the future that would sway the 8% undecided, and convert the anti-Obama into pro-Romney voters. In this, the Convention fell short. His strategic efforts as a candidate in the Primary Election were dedicated to convincing the right wing of the Republican party that his ideas and values had "evolved "from his times of governor of Massachusetts: he is now pro-life and not pro-choice, and his signature health care reform for that state, based on an individual mandate, had very little resemblance to Obamacare. He succeeded then, but these ultra conservative positions alienated two fundamental blocs of voters he will need for the general election, namely, women and Latinos. Indeed, the gender gap puts Obama ahead, with 51% of women voting for Obama and 41% for Romney. The Latino voter gap is at 63% for Obama to 28% for Romney. The campaign's political calculation was thus to use the Convention to appeal to the wider audience by showing the party's "diversity", by "humanizing" the candidate and by convincing the Evangelical right that being Mormon is not a monstrosity. Testimonials by members of his congregation, a convincing speech by Ann Romney and a black- and- white biographical video succeeded in meeting this goal. We learned that Mr. Romney is a wonderful husband and father, a patient man who tries to live by a set of values; that his years as head of a Mormon community were devoted to helping the needy, accompanying the lonely and counseling the troubled. It was also revealed that his tithing was uncommonly and consistently generous. The Convention was carefully staged to show younger, more diverse GOP "rising stars" in order to bring into the fold some of still persuadable minorities. Paul Ryan, the Catholic, strictly anti- abortion 42-year old that completes the ticket, gave an ideological speech that charmed the older generation, with references to "central-planners" and direct attacks on Obama's "socialist" policies, using what could be described at best as half-truths. A great admirer of atheist right-wing writer Ayn Rand, Ryan, a Representative from Wisconsin, rose to fame this past year by presenting a budget plan that would lower taxes for the upper-income bracket, privatize Medicare and harshly restrict social programs. Portraying himself as a compassionate conservative, he is supposed to bring in the Catholic vote. Former Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and Florida Senator Marco Rubio used their personal stories aptly and were able to get two of the few electrifying moments of the Convention. Rice's appearance was important after a period of what seemed to be her retirement from politics; she talked optimistically about America, its unbound freedoms, its role as an underwriter of world order, and unquestionably, the land of exceptional opportunity: channeling Obama, she offered her story as a testament of these possibilities. In spite of growing up in the Jim Crow South, she rose to Secretary of State and here she was today, the first "stateswoman" of the Republican Party. Rubio, a fresh-faced 41 year old and the son of working class Cuban immigrants, was the Latino version of the same idea. He had the difficult task of introducing Mitt Romney after the audience was still puzzled at Clint Eastwood's imaginary dialogue with President Obama (represented by an empty chair). After an awkward moment during which the seniors in the audience were still trying to process the meaning of Eastwood's sometimes off-color parody, Rubio managed the transition quite well and soon people were paying him undivided attention. One of the best-received portions was an anecdote about his father, who worked for years at a bar. "He stood behind a bar in the back of the room all those years, so one day I could stand behind a podium in the front of a room," Rubio said, bringing in a huge applause. There were many of these "rag-to-riches" stories aimed at reassuring the viewers that the candidate's wealth is not an obstacle to Romney and Ryan's newly found empathic conservatism. Mitt Romney's entrance along a cordoned red carpet, shaking hands and nodding to groups of supporters on each side, as well as the first few lines of his acceptance speech were shrewdly staged to evoke the State of the Union address. In line with the general theme, he devoted two thirds of his speech to his own biography and very little to the specifics of his economic agenda. While conventions are seldom memorable affairs, and while this one is most likely going to be remembered by the bizarre spectacle of actor Clint Eastwood talking, at times incoherently, to an empty chair, there were other minor headlines running parallel to it that deserve more attention for what they reveal of the long-term GOP plan to re-take government. Under the pretext that voter fraud is prevalent in presidential elections (a claim unsubstantiated by serious research), at least 14 Republican-dominated state legislatures, mostly (but not all) in the South, have been quietly passing new laws aimed at making the act of voting more difficult in those states. The intention is clear: to keep just enough demographic groups likely to vote for the Democrats (namely, young people and minorities) away from the polls. This voter suppression strategy takes different forms, the most prevalent of which is requiring the presentation of government- issued photo IDs, such as a driver's license or a US passport, at the polls It is a well-known fact that many elderly minorities and disabled citizens who don't drive lack these (Social Security cards in the US do not have photos, and there is not voting document such as a "credencial civica" in the US). These groups of people would have a hard time getting one, sometimes requiring them to travel miles away to get to the closest Public Safety office. In the case of young students, university-issued student identification cards for the most part are not accepted at the polls. Other bills and rules were aimed at shortening early voting time frames, repealing Election Day registration laws, and preventing non-profit, non-partisan groups such as the League of Women Voters from organizing voter registration campaigns. This week, however, a three-judge panel of the Federal District Court in Washington DC struck down a Texas voter ID law. Two days earlier, a different three-judge panel for the same court found that, in its redrawing of the electoral-district map (a practice that takes place every ten years following a national Census), the Texas legislature had intentionally discriminated against minority voters More important than any platform, more lasting than any emotional appeal to voters, voter suppression attempts constitute a politically divisive outrage that goes to the heart of our democracy. Indeed, it is unfathomable that over a century and a half after the Emancipation Proclamation and the Fifteenth Amendment, and half a century after the Voting Rights Act of 1965, minorities in the United States still have to rely on the court system to protect their right to vote. In a presidential election year and with a race as tight as the one we are about to witness in two months, voter turnout is fundamental. Laws aimed at discouraging citizens to vote are a surreptitiously shrewd, anti-democratic way to ensure victory.
La presente tesis estudia las estrategias que utilizan los arquitectos para conseguir encargos, para vender proyectos, para construir obras. Aunque sus modus operandi pueden parecer meras técnicas de marketing no se puede obviar que las relaciones económicas condicionan cada fase de un proyecto, incluso la previa a sus primeros esbozos, y determinan en mayor o menor medida el resultado final. La metodología de trabajo parte de la base del estudio de las noticias sobre arquitectura publicadas en cabeceras internacionales, para analizar y clasificar sus contenidos. Advierto que las informaciones reinciden en determinados temas: el proyecto espectacular –el icono–; el beneficio económico de una promoción –marketing–; la manera de alcanzar el éxito de público –la masa– y el estrella del momento –el número uno–. Y todo ello, de la mano de un político a quien se achaca el éxito o el fracaso del proyecto. Una vez acotadas las constantes, procedía acotar el periodo histórico de la tesis, que establezco desde mediados del siglo pasado hasta nuestros días. La tesis comienza con los inicios del marketing. Hasta la segunda Guerra Mundial, las empresas fabricaban en respuesta a sus pedidos. Los 'stocks' de producción eran casi inexistentes. Pero al estallar la guerra se vieron forzadas a aumentar la producción hasta cotas inimaginables. El Estado lo compraba todo para abastecer a sus soldados. El problema llegó al acabar la contienda. El sistema se había optimizado para fabricar excedentes de producción y había que dar salida a esos productos que no tenían comprador. La posguerra americana marca el inicio del marketing. Las empresas se vieron en la necesidad de idear fórmulas que atrajeran a los consumidores hacia sus productos. En este contexto, profesionales como Charles Luckman trasladan el conocimiento comercial de la empresa a la arquitectura. Se empezaron a promover edificios cuyo beneficio no se basaba en la amortización de bienes para su explotación –ya fuese en régimen de alquiler o venta–, sino en el impacto que produciría en el consumidor de una determinada marca. El desarrollo de un edificio empezó a ser considerado una inversión publicitaria más. Nacía una forma de vincular la arquitectura con bienes intangibles, como la imagen, la marca, el poder o la experiencia del usuario. La tesis tiene la voluntad de ser práctica. Busca ejemplos extrapolables, justificaciones basadas en éxitos económicos y políticos, evitando en lo posible juzgar los proyectos. Cada capítulo expone casos reales para establecer un paralelismo entre la trayectoria de un determinado arquitecto del siglo XX y la de un profesional de nuestro tiempo. De los análisis se desprende que las estrategias de venta no son un fenómeno nuevo y que, adaptadas, siguen un patrón de uso. La tesis se apoya en datos biográficos de los arquitectos objeto de estudio para explicar las circunstancias de las que partieron y cómo alcanzaron el éxito o, por el contrario, qué les condenó al fracaso. Me interesa el momento en que, poniendo en riesgo su vida profesional, apuestan por una estrategia que el mercado decide si es correcta o no. Curiosamente, las investigaciones me han llevado a definir tres características comunes a todos los arquitectos que utilizan la estrategia: Les gusta más construir que proyectar; son hábiles oradores y tienen relación con la Costa Oeste de los Estados Unidos. California es un lugar de oportunidades donde el resultado importa más que la teoría. Todos trabajan allí con estrategias para lograr beneficios. En la zona han nacido o desarrollado su labor profesional Gehry, Gensler, Luckman, Pereira, Ma, Jerde, Koolhaas, Jobs o Page y Brin. Sorprenderá mi inclusión de arquitectos de software en la lista de arquitectos de edificios. El cambio que ha vivido la arquitectura lo justifica. En la actualidad, las empresas ya no encargan edificios que las representen, sino estrategias que mejoren su marca, su eficiencia y sus ventas. Ofrecerlas es hoy también trabajo de un arquitecto. Si entendemos el funcionamiento del mercado, quizás podamos "mantenernos sobre la ola y surfearla", como dice Koolhaas. El desafío es grande y más aún en el contexto actual. La crisis está provocando cambios en el perfil del arquitecto. Pasamos de hablar un lenguaje que sólo entendemos nosotros –el discurso arquitectónico–, a un lenguaje que entienden todos, menos nosotros: el discurso estratégico. A día de hoy, los arquitectos proyectaremos menos edificios, para centrarnos en proyectar estrategias. Empecemos pues a estudiarlas. Descubriremos cómo funcionan y hasta dónde nos pueden llevar. De buen seguro las vamos a necesitar para convencer a la sociedad de que todavía podemos serle útil. Lloc ; This thesis studies the strategies architects use to get commissions, sell projects and build structures. Although their modus operandi may appear to be just marketing techniques, it is undeniable that economic factors govern each stage in a project, even before the initial rough drafts, and determine to a greater or lesser extent the final result. The basis of the methodology involved is the analysis of the international press. Certain recurring themes seem to appear: the eye-catching project – the icon; the financial profit of a development – marketing; the way to win public success – mass; and the current star – the number one. All this under the aegis of a politician who is attributed the success or failure of the project. The timescale covered the period from the mid-1900's onwards. The thesis begins with the beginnings of marketing. Up to the second World War, companies manufactured to order. But the outbreak of war forced production to unimaginable heights. The State bought everything to supply its soldiers. However, the problem arose at the end of hostilities; the system had been optimised to manufacture an excess of production, and an outlet had to be found for all these products without a buyer. The American post-war saw the beginning of marketing. Companies found they had to think up formulas to attract public attention to their products. In this context, professionals such as Charles Luckman applied commercial knowledge to architecture. Buildings started to be put up, not so much for the profits to be earned from the renting or selling the property, as for the impact it would have on the consumer of a particular brand. The development of a building began to be seen more as an investment in publicity. It was a way of linking architecture with intangible assets such as image, brand name, power or user-experience. The thesis is basically practical, presenting comparable examples, justifications based on economic and political successes, while avoiding judgements. Each chapter presents real cases to establish a parallelism between the development of a certain twentieth-century architect and that of a present-day professional. The analyses show sales strategies are not something new and that, duly adapted, they follow a pattern. The thesis uses biographical data of the architects studied to explain the initial circumstances of each, and how they achieved success or what condemned them to failure. Most interesting is the moment when they stake their professional career on a strategy that only the market will decide whether it was right. Curiously, research seems to suggest there are three characteristics common to all architects who use strategy: they prefer building to planning, they are very good speakers, and they are all connected in some way to the U.S. West Coast. California is a place of opportunities where results are more important than theory. Strategies are used to achieve profits. It is where many well-known architects were born or worked, including Gehry, Gensler, Luckman, Pereira, Ma, Jerde, Koolhaas, Jobs and Page and Brin. It may seem surprising to see architects of software amongst the architects of buildings. This is due to the way architecture has changed. Nowadays, companies do not commission buildings to represent them, but strategies to improve their brand, efficiency and sales. This is also an architect's job. We must understand how the market works,. The challenge is enormous, even more so in today's world. The crisis is changing the architect's profile. It is no longer a question of using a language that only we understand – architectural discourse – it is a matter of speaking a language everybody understands, except us – strategical discourse. Nowadays, architects plan fewer buildings, and spend more time planning strategies. So let's start to study them. We will discover how they work and where they will lead us. For we are certainly going to have to convince society we still have our uses. Lloc i ; Postprint (published version)
La presente tesis estudia las estrategias que utilizan los arquitectos para conseguir encargos, para vender proyectos, para construir obras. Aunque sus modus operandi pueden parecer meras técnicas de marketing no se puede obviar que las relaciones económicas condicionan cada fase de un proyecto, incluso la previa a sus primeros esbozos, y determinan en mayor o menor medida el resultado final. La metodología de trabajo parte de la base del estudio de las noticias sobre arquitectura publicadas en cabeceras internacionales, para analizar y clasificar sus contenidos. Advierto que las informaciones reinciden en determinados temas: el proyecto espectacular –el icono–; el beneficio económico de una promoción –marketing–; la manera de alcanzar el éxito de público –la masa– y el estrella del momento –el número uno–. Y todo ello, de la mano de un político a quien se achaca el éxito o el fracaso del proyecto. Una vez acotadas las constantes, procedía acotar el periodo histórico de la tesis, que establezco desde mediados del siglo pasado hasta nuestros días. La tesis comienza con los inicios del marketing. Hasta la segunda Guerra Mundial, las empresas fabricaban en respuesta a sus pedidos. Los 'stocks' de producción eran casi inexistentes. Pero al estallar la guerra se vieron forzadas a aumentar la producción hasta cotas inimaginables. El Estado lo compraba todo para abastecer a sus soldados. El problema llegó al acabar la contienda. El sistema se había optimizado para fabricar excedentes de producción y había que dar salida a esos productos que no tenían comprador. La posguerra americana marca el inicio del marketing. Las empresas se vieron en la necesidad de idear fórmulas que atrajeran a los consumidores hacia sus productos. En este contexto, profesionales como Charles Luckman trasladan el conocimiento comercial de la empresa a la arquitectura. Se empezaron a promover edificios cuyo beneficio no se basaba en la amortización de bienes para su explotación –ya fuese en régimen de alquiler o venta–, sino en el impacto que produciría en el consumidor de una determinada marca. El desarrollo de un edificio empezó a ser considerado una inversión publicitaria más. Nacía una forma de vincular la arquitectura con bienes intangibles, como la imagen, la marca, el poder o la experiencia del usuario. La tesis tiene la voluntad de ser práctica. Busca ejemplos extrapolables, justificaciones basadas en éxitos económicos y políticos, evitando en lo posible juzgar los proyectos. Cada capítulo expone casos reales para establecer un paralelismo entre la trayectoria de un determinado arquitecto del siglo XX y la de un profesional de nuestro tiempo. De los análisis se desprende que las estrategias de venta no son un fenómeno nuevo y que, adaptadas, siguen un patrón de uso. La tesis se apoya en datos biográficos de los arquitectos objeto de estudio para explicar las circunstancias de las que partieron y cómo alcanzaron el éxito o, por el contrario, qué les condenó al fracaso. Me interesa el momento en que, poniendo en riesgo su vida profesional, apuestan por una estrategia que el mercado decide si es correcta o no. Curiosamente, las investigaciones me han llevado a definir tres características comunes a todos los arquitectos que utilizan la estrategia: Les gusta más construir que proyectar; son hábiles oradores y tienen relación con la Costa Oeste de los Estados Unidos. California es un lugar de oportunidades donde el resultado importa más que la teoría. Todos trabajan allí con estrategias para lograr beneficios. En la zona han nacido o desarrollado su labor profesional Gehry, Gensler, Luckman, Pereira, Ma, Jerde, Koolhaas, Jobs o Page y Brin. Sorprenderá mi inclusión de arquitectos de software en la lista de arquitectos de edificios. El cambio que ha vivido la arquitectura lo justifica. En la actualidad, las empresas ya no encargan edificios que las representen, sino estrategias que mejoren su marca, su eficiencia y sus ventas. Ofrecerlas es hoy también trabajo de un arquitecto. Si entendemos el funcionamiento del mercado, quizás podamos "mantenernos sobre la ola y surfearla", como dice Koolhaas. El desafío es grande y más aún en el contexto actual. La crisis está provocando cambios en el perfil del arquitecto. Pasamos de hablar un lenguaje que sólo entendemos nosotros –el discurso arquitectónico–, a un lenguaje que entienden todos, menos nosotros: el discurso estratégico. A día de hoy, los arquitectos proyectaremos menos edificios, para centrarnos en proyectar estrategias. Empecemos pues a estudiarlas. Descubriremos cómo funcionan y hasta dónde nos pueden llevar. De buen seguro las vamos a necesitar para convencer a la sociedad de que todavía podemos serle útil. Lloc ; This thesis studies the strategies architects use to get commissions, sell projects and build structures. Although their modus operandi may appear to be just marketing techniques, it is undeniable that economic factors govern each stage in a project, even before the initial rough drafts, and determine to a greater or lesser extent the final result. The basis of the methodology involved is the analysis of the international press. Certain recurring themes seem to appear: the eye-catching project – the icon; the financial profit of a development – marketing; the way to win public success – mass; and the current star – the number one. All this under the aegis of a politician who is attributed the success or failure of the project. The timescale covered the period from the mid-1900's onwards. The thesis begins with the beginnings of marketing. Up to the second World War, companies manufactured to order. But the outbreak of war forced production to unimaginable heights. The State bought everything to supply its soldiers. However, the problem arose at the end of hostilities; the system had been optimised to manufacture an excess of production, and an outlet had to be found for all these products without a buyer. The American post-war saw the beginning of marketing. Companies found they had to think up formulas to attract public attention to their products. In this context, professionals such as Charles Luckman applied commercial knowledge to architecture. Buildings started to be put up, not so much for the profits to be earned from the renting or selling the property, as for the impact it would have on the consumer of a particular brand. The development of a building began to be seen more as an investment in publicity. It was a way of linking architecture with intangible assets such as image, brand name, power or user-experience. The thesis is basically practical, presenting comparable examples, justifications based on economic and political successes, while avoiding judgements. Each chapter presents real cases to establish a parallelism between the development of a certain twentieth-century architect and that of a present-day professional. The analyses show sales strategies are not something new and that, duly adapted, they follow a pattern. The thesis uses biographical data of the architects studied to explain the initial circumstances of each, and how they achieved success or what condemned them to failure. Most interesting is the moment when they stake their professional career on a strategy that only the market will decide whether it was right. Curiously, research seems to suggest there are three characteristics common to all architects who use strategy: they prefer building to planning, they are very good speakers, and they are all connected in some way to the U.S. West Coast. California is a place of opportunities where results are more important than theory. Strategies are used to achieve profits. It is where many well-known architects were born or worked, including Gehry, Gensler, Luckman, Pereira, Ma, Jerde, Koolhaas, Jobs and Page and Brin. It may seem surprising to see architects of software amongst the architects of buildings. This is due to the way architecture has changed. Nowadays, companies do not commission buildings to represent them, but strategies to improve their brand, efficiency and sales. This is also an architect's job. We must understand how the market works,. The challenge is enormous, even more so in today's world. The crisis is changing the architect's profile. It is no longer a question of using a language that only we understand – architectural discourse – it is a matter of speaking a language everybody understands, except us – strategical discourse. Nowadays, architects plan fewer buildings, and spend more time planning strategies. So let's start to study them. We will discover how they work and where they will lead us. For we are certainly going to have to convince society we still have our uses. Lloc i ; Postprint (published version)
Los objetivos principales de esta Tesis Doctoral se enmarcan en los campos de estudio de la historia musical y la pedagogía del violonchelo en la Región de Murcia. Tras un breve acercamiento a la organología de este instrumento, la investigación llevada a cabo esboza una amplia panorámica de su enseñanza en los Conservatorios de Música de Murcia. Trata así de la creación y evolución de los diferentes Centros desde comienzos del siglo XX hasta nuestros días; del desarrollo histórico de los planes de estudios y su concreción en las enseñanzas para este instrumento; de los profesores que han impartido e imparten esta especialidad; y de la evolución en el número de alumnos que se matriculan y concluyen estos estudios. Para ello se han consultado numerosas crónicas recogidas en la prensa murciana, amén de artículos, tesis y normativa oficial generada sobre esta materia, y se ha contado también con la información suministrada por los equipos directivos y docentes de los Conservatorios Profesionales de Música de la Región de Murcia. Como resultado, se ha puesto de relieve una parte importante de la vida musical murciana ligada a la enseñanza del violonchelo y, a la vez, se ha podido constatar la evolución en el número de alumnos que cursan este instrumento, que ha aumentado considerablemente en los últimos años. Tras el examen histórico de la enseñanza del violonchelo en la Región de Murcia, se ha acometido un análisis de la situación actual. La consecución de este objetivo ha sido posible gracias a la colaboración de numerosos profesores de los conservatorios murcianos, que se han animado a responder las encuestas diseñadas con el fin de conocer qué métodos, estrategias, procedimientos y recursos didácticos utilizan en la enseñanza de este instrumento. De los datos obtenidos se deduce que se ha producido un cambio sustancial en cuanto a la elección de los métodos y materiales didácticos empleados, en un intento de adaptar la enseñanza del violonchelo a las características de su alumnado. También se ha observado un cambio en la especialización del profesorado, cada vez mayor, circunstancias ambas que han favorecido la dirección hacia la vertiente profesional del alumnado de estas enseñanzas. Con la idea siempre presente de mejorar el proceso educativo, se ha querido también indagar en una cuestión ampliamente desarrollada en el campo de la Psicología Cognitiva, como es la de los estilos de enseñanza y aprendizaje. En este sentido, hay autores que afirman que los estudiantes aprenden mejor cuando se les enseña con sus estilos de aprendizaje predominantes. Para tal fin, se ha confeccionado un cuestionario para identificar el perfil de aprendizaje de los alumnos, lo que permitirá adecuar la práctica educativa a las características de cada uno de ellos. Y también se ha hecho lo propio respecto a los docentes, elaborando un nuevo cuestionario con el fin de identificar cuáles son sus estilos de enseñanza predominantes y ayudarles así a ser conscientes de los comportamientos y conductas que manifiestan en el aula. Por otra parte, con la intención de hacer más visible el cuerpo docente de profesores de violonchelo en la Región de Murcia, se ha confeccionado un diccionario biográfico que, ordenado alfabéticamente, recoge los nombres de todos los profesores de esta disciplina que han ejercido o ejercen en nuestra región. Por último, animados por mejorar el proceso de enseñanza de los alumnos de Grado Elemental, una etapa crucial para su posterior devenir musical, y facilitar al tiempo nuevas ideas y materiales docentes, se ha elaborado una propuesta didáctica para nivel elemental de las enseñanzas de violonchelo que se imparten en los Conservatorios de Música de la Región de Murcia. Para su confección, se ha tenido en cuenta las orientaciones pedagógicas de autores como Alexanian-Casals, Mantel, Pleeth, Nelson, Arizcuren, Suzuki, Tortelier, Bunting o Sassmannshaus. La misma se enmarca en la legislación vigente para estas enseñanzas, y en ella se concretan los objetivos, contenidos y criterios de evaluación y calificación para cada uno de los cursos, a la vez que aporta recursos metodológicos de utilidad para los diferentes cursos. En el contexto de la misma, se incluye un método de elaboración propia para el desarrollo de la técnica del brazo derecho, así como una recopilación de canciones populares arregladas para su interpretación a dúo. Además, se han diseñado también dos series de 12 fichas cada una, pensadas para facilitar el aprendizaje de la lectura de notas musicales en las claves de Fa y Do en 4ª línea. En definitiva, con la realización de esta Tesis Doctoral se espera haber contribuido a un mejor conocimiento sobre el violonchelo y su enseñanza en la Región de Murcia, aportando al tiempo una propuesta didáctica para Grado Elemental que contribuiría a la mejora de estas enseñanzas. The main objectives of this dissertation are within the framework of the fields of study of Musical History and Pedagogy of Cello in the Region of Murcia. After taking a first look at the organology of the instrument, the research outlines a comprehensive picture of its education in the Conservatories of Music in Murcia. In doing so, the work deals with the creation and evolution of the different Centers from the beginning of the 20th century to the present day; the historical development of the curricula as well as its reflection in the instruction for this instrument; the teachers that have taught throughout this musical speciality; and the evolution in the number of students who enrol and finish these musical studies. To this purpose numerous chronicles reported in the Murcian press have been consulted, not to mention the papers, dissertations and Governmental regulations developed on this subject, and additionally the information provided by school management teams and teachers of the Music Conservatories in the Region of Murcia. As a result, an important part of the Murcian musical life aligned to the cello teaching has been highlighted and, in turn, there is evidence of the increasing of the number of students taking cello courses; this has dramatically increased in the last years. The state-of-the-art has been analyzed after a historic review of the cello teacning in the Region of Murcia. This result has been achieved thanks to the colaboration of a number of teachers of the Murcian Conservatories, who have kept courage to answer surveys designed to know which methods, strategies, procedures and didactic resources they use in the instrument instruction. From the results it follows that there is a substantial change around the selection of methods and didactic materials, as an attempt to adapt the cello education to the student characteristics. In addition, a change in the specialization of education teaching staff has been found. Both circumstances have lead the students to the professional side of this education. With the aim of improving the educational process, teaching and learning styles have been explored, which are a widely developed topic in the field of Cognitive Psicology. In this respect, some authors suggest that students learn better when they are taught with their prevailing learnig styles. To this end, a questionaire has been made so as to identify the learning profile of the sutdents. This allows us to adapt the teaching practice to the characteristics for each of them. It has been proceeded in a similar way for the teaching staff by making a new questionaire in order to identify which are the prevailing teaching styles so as to help them to be very conscious of the behaviours they manifest in class. On the other hand, a biographical dictionary has been made as an attempt to increase the visibility of cello teaching staff in the Region of Murcia. The dictionary has been lexicographically-ordered and collects the names of all the instructors that teach or did so in the past. Finally, a didactic proposal has been made for cello education at elementary level in Music Conservatories of the Region of Murcia; this was developed with the aim of improving the teaching in the elementary grade of music, a crucial stage for its subsequent musical career, as well as providing new ideas and teaching materials. In drawing up this proposal, the pedagogical orientations of some authors such as Alexanian-Casals, Mantel, Pleeth, Nelson, Arizcuren, Suzuki, Tortelier, Bunting o Sassmannshaus, has been taken into account. This is framed in compliance with the current legislation for this education. In the proposal the objectives, contents and evaluation criteria for each course are clarified while providing methodological resources. A novel method for the right-arm technique has been included as well as a collection of folk songs arranged to be played in a duet. Additionally, two series of twelve cards each one have been designed so as to learn easier to read music figures in F-Clef and C4-Clef. In sum this dissertation is expected to contribute to a better knowledge of the cello and its teaching in the Region of Murcia, while supplying a didactic proposal for the elementary grade of music
Germany at the end of the Second World War was not only a shattered place, but also a shattered time.1 The physical scattering of populations through the mass movements of war and the atomisation of individuals through the oppressive Nazi regime, followed by occupation and the division of Germany into four occupation zones, left Germans with very few collective 'events' into which they could place their individual experiences. Oral history and other histories of everyday life consistently reveal that the major milestones of political history, the start of the war in 1939, its end on 8 May 1945, and the founding of the two German states in 1949, did not represent biographical milestones for most of those who lived through the period. Instead, they more frequently remember the war's interruption of their 'normal' everyday lives and the markers of the onset of normality at some point in the years that followed. In the place of the war's beginning on 30 September 1939 stand memories of the defeat of the German army at Stalingrad, the first major Allied bombing raid, or the news that a loved one at the front had died. In memory, the first sight of Allied troops or the return home, sometimes years later, of a captive soldier stand in place of the war's official end on 8 May 1945, and (in the West) the currency reform, the first real butter, the first real coffee, the first banana stand in the place of the founding of the two German states.2 But while public political events did not form the most significant rallying points in the everyday experience of many Germans, the continuing presence of the radio, broadcasting from the same stations and received in the (relatively) familiar space of the home, did provide an opportunity for collective 'private' experience, both during and after the war. It was not until the final months of the war that the German radio stations began to experience serious disruptions, and even before the four occupation zones were established in Germany in early July 1945, almost all existing radio stations had resumed operation under the control of the respective Allied occupation armies.3 Monthly radio license fees were collected continuously by the post office without interruption by the collapse of the state and the establishment of occupation.4 In the American zone, radio stations in Frankfurt, Stuttgart and Munich operated roughly independently of each other, while in the British and French zones, centralised broadcasting institutions had been set up which broadcast a more or less uniform programme from all of the stations in the area. In the British Zone, the Nordwestdeutscher Rundfunk, or NWDR, had its main centre in the northern city of Hamburg, and a secondary base in the western city of Cologne, as well as, a short time later, a third centre in the British sector of Berlin. In the French Zone, where there had been no major radio stations before the end of the war, a new network of stations, the Sdwestfunk, or SWF, was established with its centre in Baden-Baden, site of the French occupation headquarters, connected to a number of former relay stations in the territory.5 In the Soviet Zone, the station at Berlin became the central station, with a secondary hub in Leipzig. On one level, this division of radio broadcasting among the Allied powers and their zones was a further mark of the defeat and division of Germany. On another level, however, the new radio order also represented in many ways a return to the decentralised broadcasting system that had been established in the Weimar Republic and slowly centralised by the Nazi state in the years leading up to the war. In addition, while they were controlled by Allied officers, many of whom were returned exiles from Germany, the bulk of the station staff were Germans who had lived in Germany during the Nazi era and had experience—at least as listeners—with the radio programming of that time.6 Particularly at a time when print media were plagued by paper shortages, radio had unprecedented dominance among the mass media. At once the most widely available source of news and one of the cheapest sources of entertainment, Germany's domestic radio stations served audiences that were large, constant, and by and large loyal to their home station.7 The dominance of the radio during this period is widely acknowledged, and it is with some justification that it is one of the better-researched periods both in terms of institutions and programmes.8 Nevertheless, much of this attention has been focused around specific genres of broadcasting, especially radio drama, as well as issues of denazification and re-education.9 It is only recently that scholarship has begun to look at more popular aspects in the programme and the continuities in the programme from previous eras.10 While providing valuable insights into the development of the programme, however, most of the available research on the period has been focussed around the presence and qualities of specific genres of show, and as such has talked past what is most remarkable about the radio as a medium. The aspects of the radio highlighted by the British broadcast historian Paddy Scannell, specifically its ability to create and maintain temporal routines, mark certain times as special or exceptional, and refer to common spaces routinely are precisely the aspects that are perhaps most important to consider when studying its role during a time when the physical, political and symbolic spaces of Germany were being restructured.11 In this article, I will explore some of these aspects through an analysis of the Sunday programmes of the occupied stations. Within all of the routines of radio scheduling, Sunday has long occupied a unique position. On the one hand, it is a site of tradition: in many ways, it can be seen as the most regularly occurring holiday, and indeed it is the site of some of the longest-running broadcast 'traditions' in Germany.12 In addition to its status as 'tradition', Sunday is also when, until the 1950s, people have had the most free time, as the 2-day weekend did not become standard in the Germany until the 1950s. Until the late 1950s the radio was recognisably the 'dominator of domestic free-time' in most households.13 As surveys from the 1930s through the 1950s consistently reveal, the 'valleys' in the curve of radio listening percentages on Sundays were often on a level with some of the 'peaks' of weekday use.14 The position of Sunday as both individual free time and collective traditional time goes hand in hand with a number of both concrete and imagined spaces that range from individual homes to the entire nation. These various visions work through and across a number of different genres, and indeed are integral to understanding them. Although the popularity of Sunday programming has been widely recognised, both in the use-statistics from the stations and in the lives and memories of the listeners,15 the Sunday programme, as a concept and category unto itself, has been largely overlooked as a topic of academic discussion in German broadcasting history.16 Some work has focused on individual Sunday shows, to be sure, but the study of how these shows worked together, and how these practices were maintained over time has yet to be conducted for even a short period of time.17 By pointing to conventions of the Sunday programmes that were adopted in relatively uniform fashion by the various radio stations shortly after the war, this article will look at how these programmes functioned during a particular period of time, as well as highlight a fruitful realm for further historical study. My primary purpose here is to call historical attention to a series of programmes and genres that have gone largely unnoticed, and argue for their importance, particularly during this critical period of time in Germany's history. In particular, I will show how the Sunday programmes of the Occupation era helped to shape visions of the space of Germany and, as such, played a vital role in legitimating the new radio stations to their audiences. In order to do this, I will first explore in further depth the historical interconnections between the radio, the spatial and temporal ideas of Heimat, and practices surrounding Sunday in Germany. I will then go on to explore the development of Sunday programmes in the occupation era and show how such visions were integrated into them. For the most part, this account is primarily of the stations in the western occupation zones, which would go on to become the Federal Republic of Germany in 1949. This is due mostly to the greater availability of appropriate primary material from the era. As becomes clear through comparing schedules, however, the Soviet-controlled zone followed most of the broadcasting conventions laid out here. Indeed, in many cases there were far greater programming continuities there before and after 1945 than in the western zones.18 The consistency of such programmes through time and between zones point at once to their not being considered detrimental to the re-education effort by the occupation authorities, as well as to a level of general popularity among radio audiences.
Ein Anspruch von Lernwerkstätten ist es, an der Entwicklung der jeweiligen Institution mitzuwirken. Der Band zeigt die Bedeutung von Hochschullernwerkstätten für die Gestaltung von Hochschullandschaft(en) und fokussiert fünf Themenbereiche: Welche historischen Entwicklungen lassen sich feststellen? Wodurch werden die Selbstverständnisse in Hochschullernwerkstätten geprägt? Wie können Hochschulen und Universitäten von Prozessen der Inklusion / Exklusion in Hochschullernwerkstätten partizipieren? Welche spezifischen Perspektiven werden in Bezug auf Professionalisierung und Reflexion deutlich? Inwiefern können Kooperationen und kooperatives Lernen innerhalb von Hochschullernwerkstätten auf andere universitäre Bereiche übertragen werden? (DIPF/Orig.)
Margaret Cavendish was a powerful, eccentric woman of the seventeenth century. Cavendish grew up wealthy, educated, and did not conform to the world around her. This ultimately led her to the creation of her book, The Blazing World, which tells the story of an empress who is transported to a new world, the blazing world. Here she becomes an empress with philosophical servants of bird-men, spider-men, and more, who study math and science. Cavendish, who had much interest in the topics of science and philosophy, used her interest in these topics to create a story full of imagination for her readers to enjoy. ; Winner of the 2022 Friends of the Kreitzberg Library Award for Outstanding Research in the Junior Arts/Humanities category. ; 1 Taylor Richard Professor Carl Martin EN 370 27 April 2021 Margaret Cavendish's Powerful Leadership in The Blazing World Margaret Cavendish was a powerful, eccentric woman of the seventeenth century. Cavendish grew up wealthy, educated, and did not conform to the world around her. This ultimately led her to the creation of her book, The Blazing World, which tells the story of an empress who is transported to a new world, the blazing world. Here she becomes an empress with philosophical servants of bird-men, spider-men, and more, who study math and science. Cavendish, who had much interest in the topics of science and philosophy, used her interest in these topics to create a story full of imagination for her readers to enjoy. During the seventeenth century, the expectation of women was to be a caretaker for their home and for their children. Many women during this time did not pursue becoming a writer, and they did not become educated in science or philosophy. As a writer, she was able to use this platform to share her knowledge with the rest of the world even though that was not the common role of a woman during this period of time. Cavendish has imagined a world that allows her audience to be introduced to women of impenetrable intelligence, and leadership. Although women's voices were not often heard in seventeenth-century politics, it does not mean that they believed in the jurisdiction of men of power. Margaret Cavendish was an intelligent woman who knew when and how to speak her mind and although it was only a resistance to warfare, believed that there was peace within women of power. 2 Margaret Cavendish was not only a woman of power and leadership in The Blazing World but was a woman of riches in her tangible world as well. Her husband William Cavendish was the first Duke of Newcastle making him a man of political power. The seventeenth century was an era of male dominated political power and rivalry that "produced the court as a fraught environment" (Edwards and Graham 10). The standpoint of many authoritative men at this time, including William Cavendish himself, was "inducing fear to produce love" and forcing a woman's will to be "subject to her husband" (Edwards and Graham 131). This mindset his how William and other men of power viewed their control over their subjects. Margaret Cavendish a voice for women's political standpoints in this era, entertained some opposing views to her husbands. Margaret believes "one's wit must be carefully managed" in order to have control (Edwards and Graham 135). The seventeenth century was an era that was ran by men who believed that they could control the world with words and by inducing fear. Margaret Cavendish represented women who knew when to bite their tongue to gain control over difficult situations. The big takeaway from seventeenth century politics is that although women's voices were not often heard, it does not mean they agreed with the way of male jurisdiction. Margaret Cavendish created The Blazing World so that she may express her own ideologies of philosophy and political power. Margaret even included herself, the Duchess, in her fantasy world as a companion of the Empress along with many others. Looking through the eyes of a feminist critic, women are said to have a "more relational sense of selfhood in which their identity is felt to be intertwined with that of others" (Grice). Cavendish's Empress finds strength through intelligent and meaningful conversations with her fellow companions 3 throughout her story. The Empress benefits from talking through her ideologies and learning from the beast-men and the Duchess. Her power is not defined by control and she is instead empowered by her kindness and wise decisions making. Women possess an attentive, caretaking personality that allowed Cavendish to create a woman of power that valued the opinions of others in order to live in a political society without dangerous warfare and split- second decisions. Margaret Cavendish "implies a pacifist rejection of the violence and upheaval that devastate her family and her husband's estate" (Anderson 225). Having experienced what men of power allow in her own personal life, it allowed Cavendish to imagine a world where women of power abstain from violence in order to lead a more peaceful world. Cavendish begins the Empress's time by introducing all of the animal-men with discussions about their studies. The Empress asks each group a series of questions on their studies, and they each reply with the best answer to their knowledge. She asked questions about the sky, the weather, the sea, the Earth, microscopic beings, and more. Each time an answer is given by one of the animal-men, Margaret Cavendish's voice would shine through and provide an answer to the questions being asked. In this part of her book, she was able to express her thoughts, ideas, and showcase her knowledge to her readers. Showcasing her knowledge in this way may have seemed unconventional during this time to those around her, however Cavendish found a way to express herself as a woman with knowledge and interest in science in the seventeenth century. She boldly tries to "avoid one-sidedness, searching for more comprehensive answers" (Holmesland 1). Cavendish possessed knowledge and theories that she was able to share through her writing each time the empress asked a question. When the spider-men arrive, who are the Empress' mathematicians, she explains that she finds their 4 work confusing and does not have any questions to ask the spider-men. The Empress then claims, "there is so much to learn in your art that I can neither spend time from other affairs to busy myself in your profession" (Cavendish 97). She goes on to explain that she does not think that she could ever understand their imaginary points because math is about non-beings. Cavendish liked to discuss the more tangible things in the world as opposed to numbers and mathematical equations. Women were generally not taught mathematics during this time; therefore, it could have been impossible for Cavendish to discuss that subject in her book by lacking the knowledge to do so. Having grown up wealthy Margaret Cavendish was blessed with obtaining an education, but as a woman in her time. Even though this is true, it did not withhold her from gaining and education and using her voice of reason. When it came to some of her ideas, Margaret Cavendish was ahead of her time and a very intelligent, imaginative woman. In her story, Cavendish's Empress and her people were in need of ships to go to battle and began to grow worried that they did not possess a ship narrow enough to fit through a passageway. This worry of the blocked passageway is when Cavendish's Empress mentions the creation of "ships that could swim under water" (145). Cavendish published her book in 1666, and during this time submarines were merely a prototype and were not actually used in battle until the late 1700's. Although Cavendish was viewed as having a wild imagination, she imagined an invention to be used in difficult situations of war an entire century before it became a reality. Inventors and scientists use their imaginations every day to come up with new ideas for the world. But, because Margaret Cavendish was a seventeenth century woman, ideas such as hers seemed very far-fetched to the readers of her story. Cavendish's character allowed for thought and peace to be woven into her adventure, further 5 making her a strong leader. The Empress was able to problem solve without using words of violence and ultimately spoke volumes to the ability of a female leader. Margaret created a heroic character in her story, and the "heroine is Margaret in disguise" (Grant 154). In her time, most women were expected to stay home and become a caretaker of their husbands, but Cavendish decided that she wanted more and became a powerful writer. Women only being looked at in this light, lead people to believe her imagination was as eccentric as Margaret Cavendish herself. However, this was not the truth about Cavendish who was a woman capable of paving the way for progressive women to follow. Margaret Cavendish imagined a world that she found new and exciting. In her story of the Empress and her adventures she introduces the Duchess, a platonic friend that she comes to know and love. The two become very close and share many intelligent conversations throughout this part of her story. In Cavendish's real world, women found friendship in their female neighbors to avoid loneliness while their husbands were away. Women found comfort in their friendships, but they still did not have a voice. Margaret Cavendish created the two female characters to represent a strong female friendship, as well as a representation of strong female leadership. Cavendish was able to imagine new roles for women in politics to show what women could be capable of in a position of power and leadership. At a point in her life Cavendish went as far to say that there was "general war amongst the men yet there has been none amongst the women" (Anderson 225). Cavendish felt as though women were capable of being more peaceful leaders. However, Cavendish only knew of warfare to solve disputes between other countries in her own personal life. In The Blazing World she states "neither would she return into the Blazing-world until she had forced all the rest of that World to submit 6 to that same Nation" (151). Although she was a woman of power, it did not necessarily mean she was willing to always solve disputes peacefully, as she perhaps did not know that there was another way. When writing her book, Cavendish also wanted to engage a female audience as well as a male audience. By creating a science fiction story, Cavendish was able to imagine a world with romance that engaged her female readers as well as share her philosophical ideas. Female readers can learn about Cavendish's scientific ideas and creations while also being exposed to a world with two powerful, front-running female characters. Margaret Cavendish was able to imagine a world capable of inspiring other women to have their own ideas and to use their own imagination to learn about the world and the science behind its existence. The dynamic between the Empress and the Duchess, although imaginary, created a world where the women have choice and control over their own lives unlike the reality of the world during the seventeenth century. Margaret Cavendish appeared as an eccentric woman who steered away from the proper role of a woman. Realistically, Cavendish was a woman who was ahead of her time and had the ability to use her imagination to tell a science fictional story that showcased her philosophical ideas and opinions of the world she lived in. Cavendish imagined animal-men as her servants that brought her philosophical thoughts from her mind to paper. As well as sharing her ideas for her readers, she imagined ships, alternate realities, and a world that could be ruled and saved by women. Margaret Cavendish was not afraid to force her readers out of the comfort zone of their own societal norms. Cavendish was a representation of what women were capable of despite the societal norms that were accepted at the time of her book's 7 publication. The seventeenth century did not provide a platform for women to openly share their thoughts on philosophical matters if they were lucky enough to be educated. By creating an imagined world, Cavendish was able to create characters that voiced her ideas, and a society that she longed for herself and for fellow women. 8 Works Cited Anderson, Penelope. Friendship's Shadows: Women's Friendship and the Politics of Betrayal in England, 1640-1705. Edinburgh University Press, 2012. EBSCOhost, search.ebscohos.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=e000xna&AN=534504&scope=site Cavendish, Margaret. The Description of a New World, Called the Blazing World. Edited by Sarah H. Mendelson, Ontario, Broadview Press, 2016. Edwards, Peter, and Elspeth, Graham. Authority, Authorship and Aristocratic Identity in Seventeenth Century England: William Cavendish, 1st Duke of Newcastle, and His Political, Social, and Cultural Connections. Brill, 2016. EBSCOhost, search.ebscohost.com/loginaspx?direct=true&db=e000xna&AN=1407672&scope=site. Accessed 6 April 2021. Fletcher, Angus. "The Irregular Aesthetic of 'The Blazing World.'" Studies in English Literature, 1500-1900, vol. 47, no. 1, 2007, pp. 123-141. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/4127496. Accessed 1 April 2021. Grice, Helena. "Gender and Life Writing." Encyclopedia of Life Writing: Autobiographical and Biographical Forms, edited by Margaretta Jolly, Routledge, 1st edition, 2001. Credo Reference,https://search.credoreference.com/content/entry/routlifewrite/gender_and_life_writing/0?instituionld-2540. Accessed 1 April 2021 Holmesland, Oddvar. Utopian Negotiation: Aphra Behn and Margaret Cavendish, Syracuse University Press, 2013. ProQuest Ebook Central, https://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/norwich/detail.action?docID=3410167
PAULO'S SPIRITUAL IDENTITY IN PAULO COELHO'S ALEPH Achmad Furqon English Literature, Art and Language Faculty, State University of Surabaya lonelyliar91@gmail.com Dr. Ali Mustofa, SS., M.Pd. English Literature, Art and Language Faculty, State University of Surabaya ali_mustofa2005@yahoo.co.uk Abstrak Fokus permalasahan pembentukan identitas berkembang selama tahap dewasa . Permasalahan tersebut meliputi kejuruan, politik, agama / spiritual , dan seksualitas . Sebagai salah satu fokus permasalahan pembentukan identitas , spiritualitas mencakup isu-isu utama dalam pembentukan identitas pada tahap dewasa . Spiritualitas berkontribusi penting dalam pembentukan identitas. Spiritualitas membawa kesadaran diri dalam hubungan dengan orang lain. Melakukan aktivitas spiritual memberikan rasa keterhubungan dengan Tuhan , manusia , atau alam, memberikan kesempatan bagi individu untuk mnegenali dirinya sendiri dalam hubungannya dengan Tuhan , komunitas orang percaya , atau alam. Pencarian identitas spiritual Paulo telah menyebabkan dia untuk menuntaskan proses perkembangan dalam pembentukan identitas spiritual. Sejalan dengan itu, tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk mendeskripsikan proses pembentukan identitas spiritual Paulo. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan psikososial oleh Erik H. Erikson untuk menganalisis masalah. Berdasarkan hasil analisis, studi ini menunjukkan bahwa ada beberapa langkah dalam proses perkembangan pembentukan identitas spiritual. Kata Kunci: spiritualitas, agama, identitas spiritual Abstract The identity formation concerns develop during the adulthood stage. The concerns include vocational, political, religious/spiritual, and sexual issues. As one of the concerns of identity formation, spirituality covers the major issues in identity formation of adulthood. Spirituality contributes an important role in identity formation. Spirituality brings an awareness of self in relationship to others. Engaging in the spiritual provides connectedness with divine, human, or natural other, giving individuals an opportunity to experience himself or herself in relationship to God, a community of believers, or nature. Paulo's search of his spiritual identity has led him to fulfill the developmental tasks of spiritual identity formation. In line with that, the purpose of this study is to describe the process of Paulo's spiritual identity formation. This study uses psychosocial approach by Erik H. Erikson to analyze the problem. Based on the analysis, this study shows that there several steps in the developmental tasks of spiritual identity formation. Keywords: spirituality, religion, spiritual identity. INTRODUCTION One of the most successful and popular writers in the recent years is Paulo Coelho. Paulo Coelho was born in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil on August 24, 1947. He was a journalist, an actor and a theatre director before becoming an author. His personal and spiritual lives give a big influence to most of his works. For instance, The Pilgrimage (1988), The Alchemist (1988), and Aleph (2011) seem to be his biographical novels. These novels were written based on his personal and spiritual life. As for Aleph it looks like a documentation of his personal and spiritual journey after making a catholic pilgrimage to Spain. Coelho also claimed that these novels are the adaptation of his own spiritual journey. In the novel Aleph, Paulo is pictured as a fifty-nine years old man and also a successful writer who has achieved everything in his life except one thing, he feels something wrong about himself. He thinks that he is not what he wants to be and considers himself to be in the wrong path. Generally known, people of his age should have a fixed identity since the identity forming happens in adolescence. Yet in this case, adulthood people perhaps have different opinion about identity. In adolescence, identity is defined as who one is and where his place in this world. As time passes by, adolescents will grow old and may change their perception about their identity. Identity is no longer a mere question about "Who am I?", rather it concerns with religious and spiritual matters. As Erikson (in Hoare, 2002), identity does not end in adolescence. He says that identity is a progressing process that happens throughout the stages of adulthood. In other words, identity is not really fixed in adolescence and it is an evolving aspect of adulthood life which continues to renew as time goes by. As Erikson (in Hoare,2002) suggests that identity could change during the adulthood stage due to life experiences that one encounters, the identity formation in adulthood is flexible to modify and evolve due to individuals' experiences. It tends to be a development of the previous stage in which identity has been formed in the adolescence. One of identity issues of adulthood is spiritual/religious identity. Generally, there is an unclear distinction between spirituality and religion, but there is a different point between the two domains. Contemporary research often attempts to differentiate religion from spirituality. In this case, religion generally becomes associated with the institutional and the sociological (prescribed systems, rituals, and traditions or beliefs), and spirituality becomes associated more with personal, psychological, and individual phenomena (Hood, Spilka, Hunsberger, & Gorsuch, 1993). In the spiritual identity formation, the two domains, spirituality and religion contribute an importing as wholeness. Indeed, all dimensions of spirituality can be addressed by religion as well as by other ideologies and practices (Roehlkepartain et al., 2006). Identity formation in adulthood, as Erikson (1968) notes it, has the same methodology as the other stages do. It begins with identification /exploration of individuals about the outer world (society) to coin a sense of identity. Then it is followed by conflicts and crises as Erikson (1968) has stated that conflicts and crises are psychosocial needs in nature. Given the right condition and enough time and space, individuals may achieve a balanced perspective of identity of what they need to be and what the society expects them to be, therefore identity has been formed. Nonetheless, based on facts laying on the background of the study above, then the problem is stated in: (1) how is Paulo's spiritual identity in Paulo Coelho's Aleph viewed by Erikson's concepts of spirituality? As referred to the background and statement of the problem above, the objective of the study is devoted to know a purpose as results of analyzing the problem: (1) to describe the process of spiritual identity formation of Paulo in Paulo Coelho's Aleph viewed by Erikson's concepts of spirituality. In accordance, it is expected that this study can give both theoretical and practical significance. In theoretical significance, Paulo Coelho's Aleph contains issues regarding spiritual identity formation. Therefore, this study is expected to give positive contribution towards the development of literary theory, which studies literature and society under the concepts of spirituality and personality development. Additionally, in practical significance, this study is expected to contribute to the practice of analyzing literary works by applying proper literary concept and theory. Hopefully, to whom this study may concern, it can be used as reference. Furthermore, this study expectantly can assist the institution to provide rich collection of research references. RESEARCH METHOD To collect the data, the first step is doing close reading the novel entirely. It is done over and over in order to be able to catch and understand the core story—intrinsically and extrinsically—of the novel. Besides, it also aims to support in collecting and analyzing the statement of the problems later on. Secondly, it comes to the step of collecting data. At this point, the data is collected through noting the narration and characters' dialogue and action in the novel, which reflects the idea of the process of spiritual identity formation in the form of quotation. To simplify the analysis of this study, there are two important steps needed to be done. The first is describing the facts. At this point, the facts are the data in the novel which supports the study or the statement of the problem. It is done by describing the collected data based on the subject of this study—spiritual identity formation of Paulo. Last but not least, the second is doing analysis towards the described data. It will dig the information beyond the data deeper by explaining it thoroughly. It is taken from the data in the novel first and, then, it will be analyzed by based on the thought of the researcher. At this point, to make best explanation and understanding of the study, Erikson's concepts of spirituality are included. ERIKSON'S CONCEPTS OF SPIRITUALITY Erikson (in Hoare, 2002) states that identity development does not end in the adolescence stage. He views identity as a progressing process that evolves throughout the stages of adulthood. Therefore, identity development is considered as a normative period of adolescence and evolving aspects of adulthood. Many experts disagree with his statement. They claim that identity is fixed at the end of adolescence stage. However, Erikson proposes that identity formation of adolescence does not remain fixed. He adds that identity formation holds a flexibility to modify throughout the adulthood stage. That is why he states that identity development does not end at the end of adolescence stage. Erikson suggests that identity could change during the adulthood stage due to life experiences that one encounters. Identity formation in adulthood, as Erikson (1968) notes it, has the same methodology as the other stages do. It begins with identification /exploration of individuals about the outer world (society) to coin a sense of identity. Then it is followed by conflicts and crises as Erikson (1968) has stated that conflicts and crises are psychosocial needs in nature. Given the right condition and enough time and space, individuals may achieve a balanced perspective of identity of what they need to be and what the society expects them to be, therefore identity has been formed. The identity formation concerns develop during the adulthood stage. The concerns include vocational, political, religious/spiritual, and sexual issues. As one of the concerns of identity formation, spirituality covers the major issues in identity formation of adulthood. As Erikson (1968) and Loder (1998) suggest, the beliefs, worldview, and values of religious traditions provide an ideological context in which individuals can generate a sense of meaning, order, and place in the world that is crucial to identity formation. Moreover, spirituality contributes an important role in identity formation. Spirituality brings an awareness of self in relationship to others (Benson, 1997). Engaging in the spiritual provides connectedness with divine, human, or natural other, giving a young person an opportunity to experience himself or herself in relationship to God, a community of believers, or nature for example. This moving beyond the self provides the opportunity for the search for meaning and belonging that is central to the task of identity exploration (Benson, 1997; Hill et al., 2000). Erikson (1965) adds that awareness that stems from this search provides the ultimate answers and perspective in the larger issues of life that are crucial to the resolution of identity crisis. In this sense, spiritual identity can refer to a connectedness to both divine and human. In achieving the spiritual balance, Erikson (in Hoare, 2002) introduces the images of the spiritual adult involved holistic concepts such as (1) actuality and mutuality: the release of defensiveness naturally acquired in attaining autonomy that frees one to participate and share effectively; (2) leeway: the freedom to be oneself and to grant such freedom to others; (3) adaptation: the move from passive acceptance of unacceptable life conditions to ego strength whereby one gains the power to fit the environment to one's needs and the needs of others; (4) insight: truth gained via contemplation of seeing into oneself and into a situation that it obliges toward ethical action; and (5) virtue and centrality: the spiritual and ethical center that with optimum resolution of life stages allows the self to be bound together around transcendent values of hope, purpose, fidelity, love, wisdom, and so on. PAULO'S SPIRITUAL IDENTITY FORMATION One of this study concerns is to describe how identity is defined in Paulo Coelho's Aleph by analyzing the character of Paulo. In the novel, Paulo is pictured as a fifty-nine years old man and also a successful writer who has achieved everything in his life except one thing, he feels something wrong about himself. He thinks that he is not what he wants to be and considers himself to be in the wrong path. Generally known, people of his age should have a fixed identity since the identity forming happens in adolescence. Yet in this case, adulthood people perhaps have different opinion about identity. In adolescence, identity is defined as who one is and where his place in this world. As time passes by, adolescents will grow old and may change their perception about their identity. Identity is no longer a mere question about "Who am I?", rather it concerns with religious and spiritual matters. As Erikson (in Hoare, 2002) earlier suggests, identity does not end in adolescence. He says that identity is a progessing process that happens throughout the stages of adulthood. In other words, identity is not really fixed in adolescence and it is an evolving aspect of adulthood life which continues to renew as time goes by. As Erikson (in Hoare,2002) suggests that identity could change during the adulthood stage due to life experiences that one encounters, the identity formation in adulthood is flexible to modify and evolve due to individuals' experiences. It tends to be a development of the previous stage in which identity has been formed in the adolescence. One of identity issues of adulthood is spiritual/religious identity. Generally, there is an unclear distinction between spirituality and religion, but there is a different point between the two domains. Contemporary research often attempts to differentiate religion from spirituality. In this case, religion generally becomes associated with the institutional and the sociological (prescribed systems, rituals, and traditions or beliefs), and spirituality becomes associated more with personal, psychological, and individual phenomena (Hood, Spilka, Hunsberger, & Gorsuch, 1993). In the spiritual identity formation, the two domains, spirituality and religion contribute an importing as wholeness. Indeed, all dimensions of spirituality can be addressed by religion as well as by other ideologies and practices (Roehlkepartain et al., 2006). Identity formation in adulthood, as Erikson (1968) notes it, has the same methodology as the other stages do. It begins with identification /exploration of individuals about the outer world (society) to coin a sense of identity. Then it is followed by conflicts and crises as Erikson (1968) has stated that conflicts and crises are psychosocial needs in nature. Given the right condition and enough time and space, individuals may achieve a balanced perspective of identity of what they need to be and what the society expects them to be, therefore identity has been formed. In the novel Aleph, Paulo is beginning to search the meaning of his spirituality by conducting identifications, exploration and experiments through magical and religious traditions to discover his spiritual identity. Erikson (1965) states that ne way religion promotes a sense of belongingness is through religious rituals. In this case, Paulo conducts magical and religious traditions in order to search the meaning of his spiritual being. It has made Paulo engage into a man named J. who serves as his master. The purpose of these rituals/traditions, as Erikson states it, is to promote a sense of belongingness of Paulo. In the other words, it leads Paulo to where his spirituality belongs to. Still in the same subject, what individuals need are exploring and experiment that provide them the opportunity to search the meaning of their belongingness in spiritual context. In order to explore and experiment his spiritual life, Paulo has taken the road of a pilgrim since he was a teenager. He traveled continents to search the meaning of his spiritual being and now he comes to a point where he finally understands that in order to search his spiritual being, he has to explore and experiment with his spirituality by following religious paths. As Erikson (1968) and Loder (1998) suggest, the beliefs, worldview, and values of religious traditions provide an ideological context in which individuals can generate a sense of meaning, order, and place in the world that is crucial to identity formation. Religion in Paulo's life has been becoming meaningful since he took the paths of Pilgrim since he was young. As what Erikson and Loder have stated, one way individuals can generate a sense of meaning of self is by exploring and experimenting the values of religious traditions in which Paulo has followed for years. Guided by J, Paulo has followed the religious traditions to regain the touch of his inner being/spirituality. Besides performing that religious tradition as mentioned above, spirituality can also be achieved by doing the other religious traditions such as performing confessional prayers, going to church, mosque and temple, or following the path of Pilgrimage. Since Paulo believes in Christianity, he follows the Pilgrimage Path to search his spiritual identity. This, as Erikson calls it "developmental task", is the process of exploring and experimenting to re-establish identity. The developmental tasks of finding spiritual identity are determined by the gradual process of the individuals' spiritual or religious experiences. Thus, Paulo's effort by following the religious traditions has put him in the correct order to attain his spiritual identity. Referring to the meaning of religion as mentioned above, a person may experience and generate a sense of belonging to God or a community of believers. This moving beyond the self provides the opportunity for the search for meaning and belonging that is central to the task of identity exploration (Benson, 1997; Hill et al., 2000). Thus, it proves that religion promotes a central role to spiritual identity formation. Religion helps the individual to achieve the connectedness to the Divine. In this case, Paulo has achieved the connectedness to the Divine by performing religious traditions. The developmental tasks of identity formation in spiritual context do not end by only achieving the connectedness to the Divine. There is more to do before achieving the spiritual identity. The next developmental tasks are to build the connectedness to the other human being. This kind of connectedness is personal and psychological in nature. According to Benson (1997), spirituality contributes an important role in identity formation. Spirituality brings an awareness of self in relationship to others. Therefore, spirituality helps the individuals to fulfill the developmental tasks and achieving the connectedness to the others. In achieving the spiritual balance, Erikson (in Hoare, 2002) introduces the images of the spiritual adult involved holistic concepts such as (1) actuality and mutuality: the release of defensiveness naturally acquired in attaining autonomy that frees one to participate and share effectively; (2) leeway: the freedom to be oneself and to grant such freedom to others; (3) adaptation: the move from passive acceptance of unacceptable life conditions to ego strength whereby one gains the power to fit the environment to one's needs and the needs of others; (4) insight: truth gained via contemplation of seeing into oneself and into a situation that it obliges toward ethical action; and (5) virtue and centrality: the spiritual and ethical center that with optimum resolution of life stages allows the self to be bound together around transcendent values of hope, purpose, fidelity, love, wisdom, and so on. Related to the five images of Erikson's adult spiritual, there seems to be compatibility between those characteristics and Paulo's spirituality regarding to build connectedness or harmony to the others. In Paulo's case, he builds relationships with the others to keep in touch with his inner self and his surroundings (people and environments). Having followed the path of religion, he chooses the method of his beliefs to gain his spirituality in the matter of connecting with the others by making relationships with people and his surroundings. Therefore, in order to make relationships with the others, Paulo decides to have a meeting with people he has never met before after book signing session. Relating those efforts from Paulo to the images of spiritual adult introduced by Erikson, Paulo has attained the first image as a spiritual adult, which is actuality and mutuality. Paulo releases his defensive nature to gain the autonomy as an independent person that frees him to share and participate in the party. His efforts have put him to the foundation of spiritual being of his self in relation with the others. Thus, after achieving the stage of actuality and mutuality, adults have to pass the other gradual processes in forming the spiritual identity. As Erikson (in Hoare, 2002), there are five images of spiritual adults in the adulthood stages. Those images can only be achieved by experiencing gradual processes. As Paulo moves forward in the developmental tasks, he finds that actuality and mutuality do not meet his spiritual needs. He needs to experience more spiritual processes to attain the awareness of self in spirituality. He goes forward and experiments his spiritual side by conducting more chances to meet people. Yet it seems to him, there is a woman that could be the key to explore deeper his spiritual life and the woman is Hilal. Through Hilal point of view, Paulo has already met her in past lives. Yet Paulo rejects Hilal's existence and the fact that they are bound together in this life. This leads Paulo to a state of desperation. Erikson (1968) refers to the developmental tasks of this condition as ego integrity versus despair. In this case, despair is the crisis in the developmental tasks of adulthood. These tasks involve the integration of all elements of the past and the acceptance that this is the only life to be lived. In Paulo's case, he denies the fact that he was bound to Hilal in the past times and neglecting Hilal's presence in the present time. Being in the state of desperation, Paulo is haunted by the past lives and tries to recollect solve the maze of his past lives. According to Erikson (1968), the goal of this time in life is to be able to look back on life as meaningful and fulfilling. Yet, Paulo is striving to complete these developmental tasks. In these circumstances, as what Erikson suggests, Paulo has to be able to integrate all elements of his past. In this case, Paulo seems to have contradiction towards Hilal about their past lives. In Paulo's point of view, he was priest who had made several women sentenced to death because he did not testify that the women were innocent. In the other hand, according to Hilal, Paulo was the priest and the man she loved that made him burned to death and he was responsible for doing that. As Erikson (1968) has already assumed, conflicts or crises are in nature in psychosocial. The conflicts between the two in contradicting their past lives promotes to them to a deeper spiritual side of them. Through The Aleph, they are reliving their past in a fraction of seconds. The goal of this effort, as what Erikson suggests, is to look back on life as meaningful and fulfilling. After several time revisiting the past lives, Paulo come into a realization that the goal and the meaning of this life was to fulfill the unfinished tasks from his past. He realizes that the pilgrimage leads him to fulfill his redemption for making those women in past suffer. Thus, Paulo has managed this Ego integrity versus despair. Succeeding in his developmental tasks so far, Paulo has reviewed his contributions he made to the others. Besides having form the integration of his past live, Paulo is really fulfilling Erikson's third image of spiritual adult, which is adaptations. Erikson (in Hoare, 2002) refers adaptations to the move from passive acceptance of unacceptable life conditions to ego strength whereby one gains the power to fit the environment to one needs and the needs of others. By receiving Hilal, forgiveness, Paulo has attained Erikson's image of adaptations because he has finally accepted his life conditions where he has to fulfill his redemption in this time of life. Thus, he gains the power to fit environment to his needs as an independence being and the need of other (Hilal). Those descriptions of Paulo's efforts in search of his spirituality have put him to the connectedness to the Divine and the human. Yet, Paulo has not gained the spiritual identity though he has gone through gradual processes of spirituality and religion. The final task of the developmental tasks is to integrate the concept of spirituality (connectedness to others) and religion (connectedness to the Divine) wholeness or unity. Religion and spirituality seeks to integrate rather than polarize. Therefore, spiritual identity is not only inclusive religious beliefs and practice but may also involve pathways and sacred not found in religion (Zinnbauer, Pargament, & Scott, 1999). To discover the ultimate answer of the developmental tasks, Paulo is brought to an island in the middle of Lake Baikal. The ultimate answer is similar to that Erikson's fifth image of spiritual adult, which is virtue and centrality. This image refers to the integration of spiritual ethical center that allows the self to be bound together around transcendent values hope, purpose, fidelity, love and wisdom. In the other words, if one has achieved this image of spiritual adult, therefore spiritual identity is formed. In the island, Paulo meets a shaman that guides him to engage in a traditional spirituality tradition that allows him to integrate the religious side and spiritual side of his self to achieve the ultimate answer of his search. Engaging in such spiritual tradition, Paulo has been aware of what he is and where his spiritual side leads him to. As what Erikson (1968) assumes, engaging in the spiritual provides connectedness with divine, human, or natural other, giving a young person an opportunity to experience himself or herself in relationship to God, a community of believers, or nature. Thus, Paulo's engagement to the shaman in the spiritual tradition has brought him awareness of his spiritual and religious being. Awareness that stems from this search provides the ultimate answers and perspective in the larger issues of life that are crucial to the resolution of identity crisis. Therefore, Paulo's spiritual identity has been formed after going through gradual processes of spirituality and religion. It concludes that the identity formation of Paulo is completed. CONCLUSION Based on the recent analysis of the data, the result can be concluded that Paulo has to encounter gradual process before achieving the spiritual identity. The gradual process is simplified into several steps. The first step is doing exploration and experiment. In this case, Paulo is engaging in religious tradition to explore and experiment his spiritual side. Secondly, the step is achieving Erikson's images of spiritual adult. From the analysis, Paulo has achieved three of five images of spiritual adult. The images are (1) actuality and mutuality, (2) adaptation, and (3) virtue and centrality. Thirdly, the step is facing crisis (despair). Paulo turns to despair when he cannot find the harmony between his religious and spiritual values. Besides, he is also conflicting with Hilal. The Last step is integrating religious and spiritual values (ego integrity) and discovering spiritual identity. Paulo has managed to integrate the religious and spiritual values. Therefore, Paulo is completing the spiritual identity formation. REFERENCES Benson, P. L. 1997. Spirituality and the adolescent journey. Reclaiming Children and Youth, 5, 206–209. Erikson, E. H. 1965. Youth: Fidelity and diversity. In E. H. Erikson(Ed.), The challenges of youth (pp. 1–28). Garden City,NY: Anchor. Erikson, Erik H. 1968. Identity, youth, and crisis. New York: Norton. Hill, P. C., Pargament, K. I., Hood, R. W., McCullough, M. E., Swyers, J. P., Larson, D. B., et al. 2000. Conceptualizing religion and spirituality: Points of commonality, points of departure. Journal for the Theory of Social Behavior, 30, 51–77. Hoare, C. H. 2002. Erikson on development in adulthood: New insights from the unpublished papers. New York: Oxford University Press. Hood, R.W., Spilka, B., Hunsberger, B., & Gorsuch, R. 1996. The psychology of religion: An empiricalapproach (2nd ed.). New York: Guilford. Loder, J. E. 1998. The logic of the spirit: Human development in a theological perspective. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Roehlkepartain, E. C., King, P. E.,Wagener, L., & Benson, P. L. (Eds.). 2006. The handbook of spiritual development in childhood and adolescence. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Zinnbauer, B. J., Pargament, K. I., & Scott, A. B. 1999. The emerging meanings of religiousness and spirituality: problems and prospects. Journal of Personality, 67, 889–916.
Dottorato di ricerca in Storia d'Europa: società, politica, istituzioni (XIX - XX secolo) ; La ricerca realizzata ha inteso studiare, in un'ottica di lungo periodo e in una prospettiva complessiva, ciò che ha rappresentato l'esperienza del fascismo in un contesto territoriale periferico e non omogeneo, di cui è espressione quel segmento dell'Umbria meridionale costituito in provincia nel gennaio 1927. Tale area si è rivelata un case study esemplare, in grado di offrire interessanti spunti interpretativi. In effetti, all'unico grande polo industriale della provincia, compreso nel territorio della conca ternana, si contrappone la restante parte del territorio provinciale, comprendente città come Orvieto e Amelia, contrassegnate da consolidate relazioni con le regioni limitrofe, espressione di un'Umbria verde, agricola e mezzadrile, ma anche francescana, terra d'arte, di misticismo, ritenuta dalla pubblicistica di regime "cuore" dell'Italia fascista. A partire da ciò, si è creduto opportuno impostare la ricerca attorno a tre questioni principali, ritenute essenziali per cogliere aspetti e dinamiche della società locale nel ventennio mussoliniano. Per fare questo è stata definita una griglia interpretativa funzionale a verificare il ruolo del Pnf nel quadro del rapporto centro-periferia, continuità-rottura. Si è così puntato a esaminare come il fascismo abbia influito sui processi di formazione e consolidamento dei ceti dirigenti locali, verificandone la capacità di rapportarsi con le vecchie élites, di promuoverne di nuove o, magari, di fare coesistere entrambe. Si è poi cercato di approfondire il ruolo che il partito ha svolto in ambito locale, la sua capacità di inserirsi nelle diverse dinamiche territoriali, di creare e controllare reti clientelari e, soprattutto, di rapportarsi con le due realtà che rimangono fuori dal suo controllo, il grande gruppo polisettoriale rappresentato dalla "Terni" polisettoriale di Bocciardo e la Chiesa locale, il tutto al fine di conseguire i propri obiettivi totalitari. Infine, si è affrontata la questione del consenso. In questo senso, è stato preso in considerazione non soltanto il ruolo della violenza attuata dal fascismo per conquistare il potere e la stessa azione repressiva dispiegatasi negli anni del regime, che si dimostra concreta e reale come è normale in una situazione di dittatura, ma si è provato a fare luce sul dissenso e sulle aree di rassegnazione o di consenso tiepido che sembrano persistere nella società locale. Nel procedere si è poi cercato di coniugare la storia politicoistituzionale con quella sociale e in parte economica, attraverso un costante lavoro di analisi e incrocio delle fonti studiate, scelta ritenuta utile per conseguire gli obiettivi prefissati. Certamente, la riflessione sulle origini, l'affermazione, il consolidamento del fascismo in provincia di Terni, offre sostanziali conferme a quanto una parte della storiografia aveva proposto. Nell'Umbria meridionale il fascismo, nei suoi vertici, sorge e si afferma come punto d'incontro dei ceti dominanti tradizionali. Esso si afferma in quanto strumento della reazione agraria e dei gruppi industriali monopolistici di 2 fronte alla conflittualità contadina e operaia e al dilagare del socialismo. La sconfitta delle élites politiche tradizionali alle elezioni politiche del 1919 e a quelle amministrative del 1920, che seguiva l'effervescenza sociale del biennio rosso; la stipula del patto colonico del 1920 sfavorevole per gli agrari; la stessa esperienza, sebbene breve e contraddittoria, dell'occupazione delle fabbriche, sullo sfondo di una situazione economica difficile, ne determina la reazione, che si concretizza per l'appunto nell'adesione al fascismo. Dapprima nella versione squadrista, capace di sconfiggere sul piano militare gli oppositori, anche grazie al diffuso sostegno degli apparati di sicurezza dello Stato, quindi come blocco elettorale e nuova struttura politica in grado di conquistare il potere, il fascismo si configura come una sorta di union sacrée contro il "bolscevismo", in cui confluiscono conservatorismo agrario ma anche impulsi industrialisti e modernizzatori. Più concretamente, esso viene accorpando tutte quelle correnti politiche, contrapposte tra loro nel primo quindicennio del secolo, che avevano costituito il frastagliato universo giolittiano. In questo senso, come l'analisi dei vertici del Pnf provinciale e degli amministratori locali ha permesso di verificare, sino al 1927 a essere protagonisti sulla scena politica locale sono le forze che tradizionalmente facevano parte del blocco agrario. In primo luogo i proprietari terrieri, molti dei quali appartenenti alla nobiltà, a cui si affiancano esponenti della borghesia delle professioni, le cui proprietà erano cresciute a cavallo tra Ottocento e Novecento, nonché alcuni settori espressione diretta del mondo rurale, come gli agenti di campagna, i fattori, ma anche quei contadini che nei primi anni venti erano riusciti ad accedere alla proprietà della terra. In provincia di Terni quindi, dalla conquista fascista sino all'introduzione della riforma podestarile ma, in gran parte, anche dopo, la presenza ai vertici delle amministrazioni municipali e di quella provinciale di esponenti del notabilato locale, essenzialmente aristocratici, proprietari terrieri, professionisti, si rivela dato costante che permette di accomunare la provincia di Terni a realtà come la Toscana, l'Emilia-Romagna e, anche, a parte dell'Italia meridionale. L'attuazione della riforma podestarile, con le prerogative concesse al prefetto nella nomina dei vertici delle amministrazioni comunali, non sembra variare di molto la situazione, almeno nella prima fase di attuazione della riforma. Come è emerso nei comuni della provincia di Terni, il criterio seguito dai prefetti per l'individuazione dei podestà era connesso con la rilevanza sociale ed economica riconosciuta in una comunità ai candidati alla carica che, senza dubbio, un titolo nobiliare e una professione adeguata erano in grado di assicurare, anche magari a scapito della mancanza di qualche requisito previsto dalla legge istitutiva della riforma podestarile. In questo senso, sembra dunque perpetuarsi un modello burocratico e ottimatizio insieme, grazie al quale il fascismo intendeva presentarsi alle comunità locali con un volto rassicurante, al fine di accattivarsi il favore della popolazione. L'analisi prosopografica dei profili relativi a presidi, consultori provinciali, podestà, membri delle consulte municipali, per il periodo 1926-1943, ha reso possibile definire un quadro che vede sostanzialmente confermata l'analisi fatta in una prospettiva nazionale da Luca Baldissara ormai più di una decina di anni 3 fa1. E' cosi emerso il carattere di classe della rappresentanza politico-amministrativa fascista in questi anni, sebbene con alcune differenze effetto delle specificità socioeconomiche caratterizzanti l'area esaminata. Nello specifico, l'esame condotto sul corpus di 147 amministratori (78 podestà e 69 commissari prefettizi) che si succedono nei Comuni della provincia nell'arco di tempo considerato, ha permesso di tracciare l'identikit di un funzionario con un'età compresa tra i quaranta e i cinquanta anni; in possesso di un titolo di studio elevato (laurea o diploma di scuola superiore); in cui la proprietà della terra riveste un ruolo essenziale, coerentemente al tessuto socio-economico prevalente in provincia, e in cui dal punto di vista della professione esercitata appare predominante la figura del libero professionista (in genere avvocato e notaio). Forte è poi il legame dei podestà con il Pnf, più della metà del campione individuato risulta nel partito dal biennio 1920-1922; al tempo stesso, la maggioranza delle designazioni effettuate dai prefetti avviene in accordo con la federazione provinciale fascista. Sembra quindi delinearsi un quadro d'assieme che nel corso degli anni trenta, in gran parte della provincia, vede la predominanza delle gerarchie notabilari nella gestione del potere locale. Da tale situazione si discosta in parte l'area industriale compresa tra Terni e Narni, in cui come avviene in altri contesti urbani o regionali, attraverso il Pnf si assiste all'ascesa di personalità espressione della media e piccola borghesia urbana, per i quali l'istituto podestarile diventa uno strumento di promozione sociale e di affermazione nella gerarchia del potere locale. L'immagine del governo locale che si profila non è però statica, appare invece dinamica e contrassegnata da una forte conflittualità che, a vari livelli, si dimostra uno dei tratti comuni percepibili sotto l'apparente pacificazione realizzata dal fascismo. La forte instabilità presente nelle amministrazioni comunali della provincia di Terni, attestata dall'elevato numero di commissari prefettizi e di podestà retribuiti che si succedono, è testimonianza non solo delle difficoltà incontrate dai prefetti nella selezione di un ceto dirigente adeguato ma, soprattutto, del tentativo delle élites tradizionali, attraversate da interessi diversi e relazioni clientelari e familiari molteplici, di resistere all'azione omologatrice del regime. Indubbiamente, lo Stato fascista, attraverso la promozione di un modello di podestà fondato su competenza, capacità di agire, allineamento alle direttive dei vertici, in nome della proclamata modernizzazione puntava a ricondurre le periferie sotto il controllo del centro. Ecco allora che la ricerca di una concreta azione di governo delle amministrazioni locali, frequentemente sollecitata dal prefetto, da perseguire, ad esempio, attraverso la realizzazione di opere pubbliche funzionali alla mobilitazione di settori diversi della società, diventava il riferimento attraverso cui misurare l'efficienza e, soprattutto, "l'operosità" degli amministratori locali. L'elevato turnover dei podestà rappresenta pertanto una spia che si presta a misurare significativamente le difficoltà incontrate dal regime nell'affermare la propria azione in periferia. Non di rado tuttavia l'intervento del prefetto sui podestà si rendeva necessario per stroncare le lotte intestine e di fazione che si scatenavano all'interno delle élites locali per la gestione del potere. Le modalità attraverso cui tali scontri si manifestano sembrano esprimere dinamiche del conflitto omogenee a quanto accertato da altri studi 1 Luca Baldissara, Tecnica e politica nell'amministrazione. Saggio sulle culture amministrative e di governo municipale fra anni Trenta e Cinquanta, Il Mulino, Bologna 1998. 4 riguardanti realtà comunali, provinciali e regionali diverse. Esse assumono la forma di lettere, esposti, denunzie anonime, che divengono lo strumento di lotta principale tra le fazioni in una dimensione comunale ma, come è stato accertato in chiave provinciale, anche tra i rappresentanti dei diversi poteri locali, oltre che all'interno degli stessi vertici della federazione fascista ternana. A partire dal 1927, con la nascita della Provincia e l'insediamento di istituzioni politiche e amministrative nella città capoluogo, anche per il fascismo locale inizia una fase nuova, l'esame della quale ha permesso di meglio comprendere come in questa realtà si viene definendo il rapporto con il centro. La genesi della nuova entità territoriale è frutto di una serie di variabili legate, da un lato, alle esigenze politiche amministrative dello Stato fascista divenuto regime; a cui si sovrappongono le dinamiche conflittuali interne al fascismo regionale, che portano alla pacificazione dello stesso e alla nascita della federazione provinciale del Pnf. Infine, un ruolo determinante lo ha l'affermazione della "Terni" polisettoriale, vero e proprio potere forte nella nuova provincia, in grado di dare vita a un originale sistema di fabbrica a metà strada tra paternalismo assistenziale e truck-system. Con essa il regime dialoga direttamente, baypassando la neonata federazione provinciale del Pnf e, se necessario, intervenendo per normalizzarla, come dimostra esemplarmente la vicenda politica e personale di Elia Rossi Passavanti, primo federale e podestà di Terni. In questo senso, la ricostruzione dei percorsi personali e professionali dei vertici dell'amministrazione statale (prefetti e questori), degli organi politici (federali, vicefederali, segretari amministrativi, componenti del Direttorio della federazione fascista) ed economici (membri del consiglio provinciale dell'economia, di quello delle corporazioni e del principale istituto bancario del capoluogo), è stata preziosa per le riflessioni che permette di realizzare rispetto al ruolo avuto dal Pnf in provincia e, specialmente, alle dinamiche politiche che si innescano nei rapporti che il partito instaura con le altre autorità, a cominciare da quella prefettizia. Proprio con riferimento ai prefetti, si è potuto osservare che sui nove che si succedono in provincia di Terni nel periodo considerato, ben sei provengono dal Pnf. Tale fatto non sottende necessariamente un'automatica collaborazione con la federazione fascista, quanto piuttosto sembra rispondere all'esigenza del centro di superare i contrasti esistenti tra la federazione fascista e la prefettura che, invece, è situazione ricorrente in provincia. Nel contempo, il succedersi di dodici federali alla guida del partito è prova di una significativa instabilità, dato peraltro ulteriormente confermato dalla netta prevalenza di personalità estranee all'ambiente locale, ben nove. Questo fatto non esprime solo una certa debolezza del fascismo locale, incapace di fornire un ceto dirigente adeguato, ma dimostra la stessa evoluzione che subisce la figura del segretario federale, nei termini di una spiccata professionalizzazione inquadrabile nel più generale contesto di crescente burocratizzazione del Pnf funzionale a consolidarne il ruolo di mediazione e di intervento nell'amministrazione dello Stato, che si rivela uno dei tratti tipici del Pnf staraciano. In questo senso, le guerre che si scatenano tra prefetto e federale nel corso degli anni trenta, ad esempio per la questione delle nomine dei podestà, in cui ruolo determinante lo acquista ancora una volta l'arma dell'esposto e della lettera anonima, attestano il tentativo portato avanti dal partito di far sentire il proprio peso al fine se non di sovrapporsi, quanto meno di affiancare lo Stato in periferia. Affiora così quella di5 mensione policratica che si configura come uno degli elementi caratterizzanti la politica in periferia negli anni del regime. Nonostante i contrasti che si scatenano tra i poteri, le lotte intestine all'interno del Pnf, la cronica debolezza dimostrata dai ceti dirigenti, la federazione provinciale fascista nel corso degli anni trenta riesce comunque a essere vitale e in grado di esercitare il proprio ruolo ai fini della fascistizzazione della società locale. D'altra parte, ai vertici del partito se si escludono i federali e i loro più stretti collaboratori, le restanti cariche continuano a essere gestite in larga parte dal medesimo nucleo originario fascista, fatto di appartenenti al ceto agrario e alla borghesia delle professioni provenienti, per la maggior parte, dall'area ternana. Ciò attesta lo scarso ricambio generazionale esistente all'interno della federazione, ma anche il peso politico ed economico ricoperto dal capoluogo rispetto all'intera provincia. Questi dirigenti fanno parte dei diversi Direttori federali che si succedono e, talvolta, ricoprono contemporaneamente, laddove la legislazione lo consente, incarichi in organismi quali il Consiglio provinciale dell'economia o, anche, alla guida della principale banca locale. Ai vertici del partito il peso degli appartenenti a settori della piccola borghesia e del ceto operaio è invece minore. Soltanto con l'approssimarsi del secondo conflitto mondiale, si fanno strada figure espressione del ceto impiegatizio, ma anche tecnici e qualche sindacalista con alle spalle una carriera nell'apparato burocratico della federazione provinciale, i quali assumono incarichi di un certo peso, come quello di segretario amministrativo o di componente del Direttorio. In questo modo sembra prefigurarsi, sebbene in maniera timida e non paragonabile a quanto accade in altre province, l'affermazione «dal basso e dalle periferie [di] una nuova classe dirigente del regime totalitario»2. Nel corso degli anni trenta dunque, sebbene tra molteplici difficoltà di natura anche economica, il Pnf riesce a dare vita in provincia a una struttura organizzativa in grado di penetrare e inquadrare la società locale. Peraltro, l'afflusso costante di contributi concessi da enti pubblici diversi (amministrazioni provinciali, comunali, Consiglio provinciale dell'economia) e soggetti privati (la Società "Terni" in primo luogo, ma anche altre aziende) a un partito alla continua ricerca di risorse, che la documentazione amministrativa della federazione ternana ha permesso di verificare, rappresenta testimonianza esemplare degli sforzi profusi dal regime per rendere il Pnf un volano di sviluppo del peculiare welfare funzionale alla fascistizzazione della società locale. In questa prospettiva, il rapporto con la Società "Terni" si è rivelato una chiave di lettura che non è possibile trascurare se si vuole comprendere la natura dell'esperienza fascista in provincia di Terni. Si è visto che la stessa nascita della nuova Provincia è connessa alla questione del controllo delle acque del sistema Nera-Velino, presupposto essenziale per la creazione dell'impresa polisettoriale; così come la stipula della convenzione tra il Comune di Terni e la società guidata da Bocciardo, sanziona di fatto in maniera prepotente la forza non solo della grande azienda, ma l'affermazione dello stesso "centro" sulla "periferia". Da quel momento e anche dopo l'inserimento della "Terni" nel sistema delle partecipazioni statali attra- 2 Marco Palla, Il partito e le classi dirigenti, in Renato Camurri, Stefano Cavazza, Id. (a cura di), Fascismi locali, "Ricerche di Storia politica", a. X, nuova serie, dicembre 2010, 3/10, p. 296. 6 verso l'Iri, operazione che garantì allo Stato il controllo pubblico sull'azienda e sul suo assetto produttivo, la grande impresa per il fascismo ma, più in generale, per la stessa società locale diventa emblematicamente una madre-matrigna. Essa viene percepita come un complesso capitalistico che invade la città e, con i suoi vertici, in grado di dialogare con il centro e, anche, direttamente con il duce, si pone rispetto al Pnf locale in una situazione super partes. Non è così casuale che i federali presentino come risultato della loro azione politica i buoni rapporti che riescono a intrattenere con i vertici aziendali, i quali peraltro si dimostrano costantemente impermeabili all'influenza della federazione fascista. D'altra parte, a partire dalla stipula della convenzione del 1927 e per tutto il decennio successivo la "Terni", insieme al partito, appare senza alcun dubbio uno dei pilastri del regime in provincia. Non soltanto sostiene la federazione provinciale con contributi costanti, essenziali per assicurargli la possibilità di svolgere la propria azione sul territorio; ma, più in generale, con tutto il suo peso di grande gruppo polisettoriale sposa in pieno le politiche economiche, sindacali, sociali del regime, garantendo allo stesso le condizioni per affermare «un sistema di aggregazione/costruzione del consenso/controllo sociale e politico che si adegua al modello del regime reazionario di massa»3. In queste dinamiche si inserisce anche, per quanto è stato possibile accertare in relazione alle fonti disponibili, l'atteggiamento tenuto dalla Chiesa cattolica locale nei riguardi del fascismo. L'analisi condotta con riferimento specifico alla diocesi di Terni-Narni e al vescovo Cesare Boccoleri che la guida nel Ventennio fascista, ha permesso di accertare che, come succede in altre diocesi italiane e coerentemente con le scelte fatte dai vertici vaticani, la Chiesa ternana sembra tenere una posizione di sostanziale appoggio al fascismo e di collaborazione con il Pnf. Ciò emerge in maniera evidente in alcuni momenti: ad esempio, in occasione delle campagne promosse dal regime sul terreno economico e sociale, come per la Battaglia del grano e, soprattutto, dopo la stipula del Concordato, o nel corso della guerra d'Etiopia e di Spagna. Al tempo stesso, anche quando si hanno tensioni nei rapporti tra Stato e Chiesa (per effetto della crisi del 1931 sulle prerogative dell'Azione cattolica o in occasione dell'introduzione delle leggi razziali), le conseguenze concrete per la Chiesa locale sono di scarso rilievo e, comunque, tali da non incidere sostanzialmente sulla natura dei rapporti esistenti con la federazione fascista. Anche la Chiesa locale quindi, sebbene con l'obiettivo di preservare e, per quanto possibile, incrementare la presenza cattolica nella società locale, contribuisce nella sostanza a consolidare e, anche, ampliare il consenso al regime. In particolare, essa si dimostra attiva nel favorire, specialmente nelle aree rurali, quell'azione di «modernizzazione politica» di natura reazionaria, conseguenza del tentativo di organizzazione della società italiana secondo criteri gerarchici e accentratori, che il fascismo è impegnato a portare avanti in periferia. Certamente, un ruolo essenziale ai fini della creazione e, soprattutto, del mantenimento del consenso lo esercita anche la costante opera di vigilanza e repressione di ogni forma di dissenso organizzato e di attività politica di opposizione, che si attua in provincia per opera degli apparati di sicurezza dello Stato fascista. Tale azione si rivela particolarmente efficace se negli anni del regime solo i comunisti, essenzial- 3 Renato Covino, L'invenzione di una regione, Quattroemme, Perugia 1995, p. 58. 7 mente nell'area industriale ternana, riescono a mantenere in vita, per quanto a fatica e in misura ridotta, una forma di opposizione organizzata. E tuttavia, il fatto che continuamente le autorità, sebbene nell'ambito del riconoscimento di quanto fatto dalle diverse organizzazioni del partito a favore del ceto operaio, lamentassero l'inadeguato grado di "comprensione fascista", quando non la scarsa fascistizzazione dei lavoratori delle industrie ternane e la loro "pericolosità" politica, sembra essere la conferma implicita di come in provincia, non solo non scompare l'insofferenza e il dissenso, anche politicamente organizzato, ma, più in generale, sotto la camicia nera, a prescindere dalla propaganda e dall'attività delle differenti istituzioni del regime, non vengono meno nemmeno gli interessi molteplici che contrassegnano la società locale e le diverse realtà presenti sul territorio. In ultima analisi, il fascismo locale appare in grado di esercitare un ruolo attivo nel disegno di fascistizzazione della società, coerentemente con l'accelerazione nel processo di creazione dello Stato totalitario di cui è strumento il Pnf staraciano. Il partito si rivela dunque un vero e proprio centro di potere, espressione di un regime autoritario e tendenzialmente totalitario, con cui, inevitabilmente, tutti i cittadini si trovano a confrontarsi per le necessità della vita quotidiana: in altre parole, a dover essere, almeno una volta nella vita, fascisti. ; This research project is an in-depth study, in a comprehensive and long-term perspective, of what Fascism represented at a local level in a peripheral and non-homogeneous context, as in the case of the Southern Umbria areas, established as an administrative province in 1927. This specific geographical district flagged-up all the prerequisites for an exemplary case study, featuring several significant explanatory points. To this unique large provincial administrative industrial hub located within the Terni basin, other districts, part of the same province, remained juxtaposed. Within their respective areas, these districts included towns such as Orvieto and Amelia, which had strong links with the neighbouring communities, representing the rural, agricultural and mezzadrile aspects of Umbria, land of Saint Francis of Assisi, rich in art and religious meanings, which the Fascist Regime came to proclaim officially as the "heart" of Fascist Italy. On the basis of these introductory remarks, the study focuses its scope of research on three main points, all but essential to understand fully the aspects and dynamics of the local society during the Fascist period, also referred to as the ventennio mussoliniano. An interpretative functional grid has been designed with a view to describe the role of the National Fascist Party (Nfp) within the centre-periphery and continuity-innovation relationships with the previous regime. The study seeks to investigate how Fascism exerted its influence on the establishment and process of strengthening of the local ruling ranks, attesting its ability to relate with the old dominant élites, or promote the emerging of new ones or, in addition, facilitate and support the coexistence of both. Furthermore, the research focuses on the role exerted by the Nfp at a local level, its capability to affect the various localised dynamics of power, to create and control networks of affiliates and, above all, to relate with the two main subjects which remained independent from its control, the important industrial group represented by "Terni" of Bocciardo and the local Catholic Church, with an overarching aim to achieve its totalitarian objectives. Finally, the question of popular consent has also been scrutinised. At one level, the study analyses the 2 role of fascist violence deployed to obtain power and the repressive actions carried out under the Regime, which were highly effective, as one might expect under a dictatorship. At another level, it investigates the popular dissent and the grey areas of passive acceptance and weak consent which were common among strata of the local population. Additionally, in a broader perspective, political and institutional historical analysis has been coupled with social and economic investigation, through a systematic scrutiny and cross-examination of the main sources, as a methodological approach needful to the achievement of the final outcomes of the research. Findings on the origins, development, and strengthening of Fascism within the Terni province appear to concur with the conclusions reached by previous historical research. In the Southern areas of Umbria, Fascism, at its highest level, was brought into power and successfully established by the traditional ruling classes. The establishment of Fascism was supported and facilitated by the agrarian reaction and the monopolistic industrial groups threatened by the discontent of the rural and working classes and the rapid advancement of Socialism. The political defeat of the traditional ruling élites at the 1919 general election and the 1920 local elections, which followed the social turmoil of the so-called red biennium; the agreement of the 1920 patto colonico, disadvantageous to landowners; the occupation of factories, though a brief and contradictory experience, against a background of economic difficulty, caused their reaction and prompted their acceptance and support for Fascism. Firstly, Fascism, in the form of Fascist action squads and their capability of defeating its opponents militarily, with the extensive assistance of the State security services, then as an electoral block and political force capable to achieve power, presented itself as a sort of union sacrée against the threat of Bolshevism into which various groups appear to converge: the agrarian conservatism but also industrial and more modern forces. Undoubtedly, Fascism drew together different political forces, which during the first decade of the twentieth-century had been mutually antagonistic, and segments of the complex and divided political establishment of the Giolitti era. The scrutiny of the highest levels of the local Nfp and civil servants has revealed that, at least till 1927, the main political figures belonged to those forces already part of the agrarian block. Firstly, the landowners, many of whom belonged to the local nobility, supported by members of the professional bourgeoisie, whose estates and wealth had augmented during the nineteenth- and twentieth-century, and other sectors which were the direct expression of the rural milieus, such as the rural agents, farmers, but also those peasants whom, during the first two decades of the twentieth-century, had succeeded in becoming landowners themselves. Therefore in the Terni province, from the establishment of the Fascist regime to the introduction of the office of podestà and, for some time even after, 3 the highest offices of the municipal and provincial administration were held by members of the local nobility, primarily aristocrats, landowners and professionals. This is an invariable characteristic which put the Terni province in alignment with similar situations in Tuscany, Emilia Romagna and other areas of Southern Italy. The administrative reform and the establishment of the podestà authority, together with the prerogatives of the prefectures in appointing members of the highest offices within the municipal administrations, did not radically change, at least during the early phases of the reform, established practice. A survey of the municipalities located within the Terni province, shows that the prefects in the selection process to appoint the podestà took greatly into account the candidates' social and economic status of and, without doubt, a honorific title and tenure of highly considered profession were often sufficient criteria for a candidate to be nominated even when lacking some of the prescribed requisites as outlined by the administrative reform. The Fascist regime therefore, in perpetuating a bureaucratic and grandees system, showed an intention to reassure the existing ruling élites and obtain the support of the local population. A prosopographical analysis of the biographical profiles of headmasters, members of the provincial advice bureaus, podestà, members of the municipal advisory councils, during the 1926-1943 period, has made it possible to outline a summary framework which strongly corroborates the analysis carried out at a national level by Luca Baldissarra over a decade ago.1 What has emerged from this analysis is the class-based character of the Fascist political and administrative representation during those years, though presenting various differences linked to the social and economic specificity of the area scrutinised. In more depth, the study carried out on a corpus of 147 civil servants (78 podestà and 69 prefectural officers) employed by the municipalities of the province during the examined period, made it possible to draw up a profile of the typical officer: between forty and fifty years of age; highly educated (having achieved a high-school or university degree); often a landowner, a characteristic consistent with the social and economic structure prevailing throughout the province, and among whom the status of self-employed (generally lawyer or public notary) represented the most frequent professional position held. Relations between the podestà and the Nfp appear to have been particularly close, over half of the sample identified is composed by individuals who had joined the Fascist Party at an early stage, during 1920-1922; additionally, the majority of the appointments made by the prefects were agreed in advance with the Provincial Fascist Federation. It would therefore appear that during the 1930s, in 1 Luca Baldissara, Tecnica e politica nell'amministrazione. Saggio sulle culture amministrative e di governo municipale fra anni Trenta e Cinquanta, Il Mulino, Bologna 1998. 4 large areas of the province, the highest hierarchies of grandees were the prominent figures holding local high office. The industrial area comprised within the administrative territories of the two municipalities of Terni and Narni, however, appears to contrast with other districts of the province. In this area, as for similar cases in other municipalities or other regional administrations, the Nfp supported the emergence of members of the small and medium local urban bourgeoisie, as the office of podestà became a vehicle of social advancement and an opportunity to climb up the local hierarchy of power. Despite the apparent pacification established forcibly by the Fascist regime, the dynamics of power within the local government remained characterised by extreme unrest and strong conflict at various levels. The sizeable number of prefectural commissioners and remunerated podestà who succeeded in office, often in rapid succession, bears witness to the instability which marred almost all the municipal administrations of Terni province. This is evidence of the obstacles encountered by the prefects during the selection process of a qualified managerial class but, above all, of the resistance put up by the traditional élites of power, motivated by divergent interests and loyalty to various networks of familial and personal relations, to the process of homologation pursued by the Fascist regime. Undoubtedly, the Fascist regime, in implementing a model of podestà based on competence, on the energetic ability to act, on its alignment to official directives, and in order to achieve a modernisation of the administrative system, aimed at placing the local authorities under the prescriptive control of a centralised State. The actual administrative actions implemented by the local administrative offices, frequently under the guidance and pressure of the Prefects, as for example in the case of the accomplishment of public works functional to the civil mobilisation of various segments of the local community, became a measure of their efficiency and, above all, a measurement of how industrious the local administrators should be. The high turn-over of podestà is a clear indication of how difficult it was for the Fascist regime to implement its plans of action in peripheral areas. Additionally, direct intervention by the Prefects was often necessary to put an end to rivalries and internal power struggles which frequently broke out among local élites. These clashes and their manifestations appear to be similar in their dynamics, as pointed out by previous studies, to other cases occurred in different municipalities, provinces and regions. Resorting to anonymous letters, official complaints, accusations, came to represent the instrument to attack and weaken the opposite factions at a local level, within the municipalities, but also within the provincial administration, among the various representatives of the local administration and even the highest offices of the Terni Fascist Federation. From 1927, following the establishment of the 5 Province and the set up of political and administrative authorities in Terni, now seat of local government, a new phase emerged for the local Fascist Party too. The study of this new province has facilitated the understanding of its relations with central authorities. The establishment of this new local administration was the result of various circumstances linked to the political requirements of the Fascist State following the transition to a totalitarian regime. Additionally, the internal conflict dynamics of the regional Fascist Party played an important role. These led to the inner pacification of the Party and the set up of a Nfp Provincial Federation. Finally, the establishment of "Terni" had a pivotal role too. "Società Terni" (also referred to as "La Terni") came to represent the real "strong power" of the province, capable of imposing a factory regimen based partially on paternalistic assistance and partially on a truck-system model. The Fascist regime dealt directly with "Terni", bypassing the newly-established Nfp Provincial Federation and, where necessary, intervened to impose its authority, as the political and personal vicissitudes of Elia Rossi Passavanti, the first Federal secretary and podestà of Terni, exemplified. In this perspective, drawing together personal and professional career paths of the highest officers (prefects and police commissioners), of both political (federals, deputy federals, administrative secretaries, members of the Fascist Federation Federal Bureau) and economic authorities (members of the Provincial Economic Council, members of the Provincial Corporations Council and of the main bank) has represented an invaluable study, conducive to the understanding of the Nfp's role within the province and, in addition, of the political dynamics at play among the Fascist Party and other authorities, such as the prefectures. With specific reference to the prefects, it is worth noticing that of the nine prefects in office in the Terni province during the period under scrutiny, as many as six were Nfp members. This situation, however, did not necessarily imply a spontaneous collaboration between the prefectures and the Fascist Federation, but it would appear to have been a response to the need of overcoming the conflictual antinomy between the two authorities, which was a recurrent event throughout the Terni province. In addition, the succession of twelve Federals as leaders of the Fascist Party bears witness to a pervasive instability, a fact which is also confirmed by the noticeable preference given to individuals, as many as nine, unconnected with the local milieu. This is certainly a clear manifestation of the local Fascist Party's weakness - which appeared unable to express and produce capable managerial ranks - and of the evolution of the Federal Secretary's role, becoming more and more a professional one, in the context of the remarkable bureaucratisation of the Nfp, aimed at strengthening its mediatory and interventional role on the local administration, one of the main characteristics of the Nfp 6 under the leadership of Starace. Within this framework, the contrast between the prefects and the Fascist Federal secretaries during the 1930s, with regard, as a case in point, to the appointments of the podestà, and the crucial utilisation of official complaints and anonymous letters, bears witness to the Party's attempt to impose its decisions or, at least, to influence the administration at a local level. This, in turn, resulted in a situation of polycracy, which was one of the factors denoting local politics during the Fascist regime. During the 1930s, despite deep rooted conflict among the authorities, the internal power struggles within the Nfp and the endemic ineptitudes of the ruling class, the Fascist Provincial Federation was successful in exerting and promoting the fascistisation of the local community. It is manifest that the highest authorities within the National Fascist Party, with the exception of the Federals and their closest advisors, remained the domain of the original Fascist core, composed by members of the rural class and the bourgeoisie originating primarily from the Terni area. This explains the inadequate generational change within the Fascist Federation and, in addition, the political and economic importance of the Terni area in comparison to the entire province. These political figures were part of the various Federal Bureau and, in some cases at the same time, if the law permitted, held additional offices in different institutional bodies, such as the Economic Provincial Council or were in charge of the main local bank. On the contrary, the influence exerted on the high levels of the National Fascist Party by the small bourgeoisie or by members of the working class remained negligible. It was only with the approach of the Second World War that members of the clerical class, but also technicians and a few tradeunionists already employed within the bureaucratic structure of the Provincial Federation, acquired an enhanced importance and gained access to higher office, such as administrative secretaries or members of the Federal Bureau. The Terni area too, though in a more limited way, which bears not comparison with other provinces, saw the rising «from the bottom and the periphery of a new ruling class within the totalitarian regime»2. During the 1930s therefore, despite various difficulties, including economic issues, the Nfp was successful in creating at a provincial level an organisational structure capable of influencing and organising the local community. Additionally, the regular flow of financial contributions bestowed by various public authorities (provincial administrations, municipalities, Provincial Economic Council) and private companies ("La Terni", first of all, but other businesses too) to a political party constantly seeking financial backing, as thoroughly documented by records of the Terni Fascist Federation, bears witness to the outstanding efforts the Regime made to 2 Marco Palla, Il partito e le classi dirigenti, in Renato Camurri, Stefano Cavazza, Id. (a cura di), Fascismi locali, "Ricerche di Storia politica", a. X, nuova serie, dicembre 2010, 3/10, p. 296. 7 successfully present the Nfp as a conducive mean to the development of this specific welfare model, with a view to promote the fascistisation of the local community. In this perspective, the Nfp's relation with the "Società Terni" is key to understanding the nature of the Fascist Regime and its role within the Terni province. The establishment of a Province was connected to the control of the water-system of the two rivers Nera-Velino, essential to create an industrial hub; similar reasons were behind the agreement stipulated between the Terni municipality and the Bocciardo Company, which came to sanction resolutely the importance of the Company and, additionally, the supremacy of the "centre" over the "periphery". It was from this period and following the inclusion of "Società Terni" within the system of state-controlled industries through the Institute for Industrial Reconstruction, a transaction which secured State control over the Company and its productive branches, that "La Terni" became firmly linked to Fascism and, more in general, to the local community, though in a controversial and ambivalent mutual relation. The Company was perceived as a capitalistic enterprise which took over the city, its directors being able to negotiate with the central Government directly and with the Duce himself, taking a super partes position in relation to the local Nfp. It was not a fortuitous occurrence that the Federal secretaries gauged their political influence against the effectiveness and strength of the relations they were able to maintain with the executive directors of "Società Terni", whom, on their part, appeared to be impenetrable to any influence exerted by the local Fascist Federation. Additionally, following the 1927 agreement and during the ensuing decade, "La Terni", in conjunction with the Fascist Party, appeared to become, without doubt, one of the main pillars of the province. At one level, it supported the Fascist Provincial Federation through a constant flow of financial contributions, vital to bankroll the Federation's activities within the province; but, at a more general level, asserting its influence as a large industrial group, it was capable of shaping the economic, trade-union and social policies of the Fascist regime, creating those conditions to establish «a system of aggregation/disaggregation of the social and political consensus/control conforming to the mass reactionary regime model»3. Within this dynamic interactions, and on the basis of documents available, the local Catholic Church played a significant role in relation to the Fascist Party. With reference to the specific case of the Terni-Narni dioceses and bishop Cesare Boccoleri, the Church's main leader during the Fascist ventennio, this research has showed that, as in the case of other Italian 3 Renato Covino, L'invenzione di una regione, Quattroemme, Perugia 1995, p. 58. 8 dioceses and in alignment with the decisions taken by the Vatican, the Church authorities in Terni supported the Fascist apparatus and adhered to a policy of collaboration with the Nfp. This was particularly manifest on specific occasions: for example during the economic and social campaigns promoted by the Regime, as a case in point the so-called "Battle of the wheat" and, above all, following the 1929 Concordat with the Catholic Church, or during the Ethiopian and Spanish conflicts. At the same time, even when tensions arose and marred the relations between the Fascist regime and the Catholic Church (following the 1931 crisis caused by the limitations imposed on the prerogatives of Azione Cattolica or the adoption of the 1938 racial laws), the consequences for the local Church were negligible and did not appear to affect the on-going relations with the local Fascist Federation. The local Church therefore in pursuing the aim of preserving and, wherever possible, augmenting the Church's influence on the local community, contributed to reinforce and widen consensus for the Fascist regime. More specifically, the Church's actions were particularly effective in encouraging, especially in rural areas, that precise process of "political modernisation", though reactionary at its core, based on organising the entire Italian society on hierarchical and centralising criteria, which Fascism was promoting particularly at a local level. Additionally, and without doubt, the important function to create and, above all, to maintain a high level of consensus was exerted by the pervasive surveillance and repression of any form of dissent and political opposition, enforced within the province by the Fascist security services. A repressive action which was extremely effective and, during the dictatorship, only the Communist Party, despite being hemmed in to the Terni industrial area, was able to maintain, albeit with great difficulty and in a limited way, a form of organised resistance. The fact that the Fascist authorities continuously, though recognising what had been achieved by the Party's multifarious organisations to favour and support the working classes, lamented the feeble "fascistisation" of the Terni industrial workforce and their being "politically dangerous", would appear to confirm implicitly that throughout the province the opposition and political dissent had not completely ceased. More in general, under the "black shirts", despite the propaganda and the activities of various Fascist authorities and institutions, it remained evident that the diversified interests which characterised the local society and the different realities rooted at local level persisted. Ultimately, the local Fascist Party appeared capable of exerting an active role in the "fascistisation" process of society, in alignment with the creation and implementation of a totalitarian state, being the main objective of the National Fascist Party under the leadership of Starace. The Nfp was therefore a real centre of power, expression of an authoritarian 9 regime leaning toward totalitarianism. A regime against which all citizens had to relate for their everyday life needs: that is to say, all citizens had to act, at least outwardly, as fascists.
